Business People: Eagan attorney Alex Webb wins Army Corps of Engineers award

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OF NOTE

Alex Webb

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers announced Eagan resident Alex Webb, an attorney with the Corps of Engineers’ St. Paul District, as its 2024 recipient of the E. Manning Seltzer Award for his work on the Upper Mississippi River Dredged Material Management Program. The award recognizes an attorney who has made special contributions to the Corps’ legal services mission

ADVERTISING/PUBLIC RELATIONS

Max Allers, creative director at Max Marketing Communications, St. Paul, announced that he has received a15th national GDUSA American Graphic Design Award.

EDUCATION

Saint Thomas Academy, an all-male college preparatory, Catholic, military-leadership school in Mendota Heights, announced it has named Anthony Mullen director of institutional advancement. Mullen succeeds David Hottinger, who shifts to major gifts officer. Mullen is a 1993 alumnus of the school and Hottinger a 1985 alumnus.

ENERGY

Pineapple Energy, a Minnetonka-based provider of solar energy products and services to households and small businesses, announced the resignation of Kyle Udseth as CEO; board member and SUNation Energy founder Scott Maskin will assume the position of interim chief executive officer. Pineapple Energy acquired New York-based SUNation Energy in November 2022. The company also announced the promotion of James Brennan to chief operating officer; he previously had been senior vice president of Corporate Development and was COO at SUNation Energy.

FINANCIAL SERVICES

Affinity Plus Credit Union, St. Paul, announced the addition of Kelly Flaherty to the Affinity Plus Foundation board of directors. Flaherty has been with the organization since 2013.

FOOD

Ardent Mills, a Denver-based flour-milling and ingredient company, announced Sheryl Wallace as chief executive officer, effective July 8. Wallace advances from being president of U.S. origination and grain at Wayzata-based Cargill. Ardent Mills is a consortium formed by Cargill and Inver Grove Heights-based CHS flour-milling joint venture Horizon Milling, and ConAgra‘s milling operations

HEALTH CARE

ANEW Chemical Health Services, a St. Paul-based female-focused addiction treatment program, announced the opening of a clinic and childcare center at 445 Etna St., Suite 44, in St. Paul.

HONORS

Sleep Number Corp., a Minneapolis-based maker and retailer of specialty beds and mattresses, and the American Cancer Society have been honored with the Golden Halo Award for Best Intersectional Initiative in 2024 by Engage for Good; the award celebrates brand and nonprofit initiatives’ efforts in corporate social responsibility. Sleep Number announced the award. … Mulcahy Co., an Eagan-based supplier of HVAC equipment, announced it has received the President’s Award for Sales Performance by Bell and Gossett, a Xylem brand of plumbing machinery.

LAW

Fredrikson, Minneapolis, announced that firm attorney Megan Bowman has earned the certified Artificial Intelligence Governance Professional credential through the International Association of Privacy Professionals.

MEDIA

The Minneapolis/St. Paul Business Journal announced Whitney-Lehr Koening as market president and publisher. Koening succeeds Kathy Robideau, who left the position in May to become chief growth officer at St. Louis Park-based Versique Inc. Koening joined the Business Journal in 2018. … AMPERS, the Association of Minnesota Public Educational Radio Stations, announced Kimberly Soenen as chief operating officer, a newly created executive role. Soenen’s experience includes work with Harper’s Magazine, National Public Radio, Kartemquin Films and VII Photo Agency/Foundation. AMPERS’ 17 member stations in the Twin Cities include KFAI, KMOJ, KUOM “Radio K”, KBEM “Jazz88” and other stations statewide.

MEDICAL TECHNOLOGY

CVRx, a Maple Grove-based developer of a treatment for chronic heart failure, announced the following additions to its senior leadership team: Dr. Philip B. Adamson, chief medical officer, Bonnie Handke, senior vice president of Patient Access, Reimbursement, and Healthcare Economics, and Jennifer E. Englund, senior vice president of Global Clinical Affairs.

NONPROFITS

The Advocates for Human Rights, Minneapolis, has announced the pending retirement of Executive Director Robin Phillips at the end of the year. Phillips has served as executive director since 2002. The organization will be led through an interim period by Board Chair Karen Evans and senior management team Michele Garnett McKenzie, Rosalyn Park and Jennifer Prestholdt. The organization works globally on issues such as immigration justice, violence against women, abolishing the death penalty and protecting the rights of LGBTIQ+ people.

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EMAIL ITEMS to businessnews@pioneerpress.com.

Texas offensive lineman leaves Gophers recruiting class

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Texas high school offensive lineman Nelson McGuire III backed off his commitment to the Gophers football program on Sunday.

The 6-foot-4, 300-pound, three-star prospect from Midlothian, Texas, who has a handful of offers from southern schools, expressed gratitude to Gophers head coach P.J. Fleck and the U staff, but said reopening his recruiting process was “the best thing for me.”

McGuire gave a verbal commitment to Minnesota during an official visit weekend on June 9. He has since reportedly visited Arkansas and Texas Tech.

The Gophers’ recruiting class for 2025 currently stands at 22 pledges after netting five commitments during an official visit weekend on June 16.

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Real World Economics: Righting the ship when things go awry

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Edward Lotterman

One might not think that Boeing and the Minneapolis Police Department have much in common, but they do.

Both had longstanding unseen negative issues that suddenly exploded into public scandal and internal crisis. Both face difficult and uncertain recoveries.

How each came to these points and how each might recover don’t involve pure economics any more than pure psychology or sociology. Yet all three disciplines study actions and interactions of human beings with insights that bear on current headline problems.

What answers does economics provide?

Economics studies how humans allocate finite resources to meet their needs — as individuals, in businesses and other organizations, or through government. Introductory econ study assumes a simplified model of real life: Choices are made by individuals; decisions of organizations are assumed to directly reflect interests of stakeholders; those of governments reflect the needs of citizens. But these assumptions seldom hold fully true in real life, where randomness can force choices that deviate from academic models.

So what about real life? Let’s start with Boeing.

Forty years ago, when three U.S. companies manufactured jet airliners, Boeing was an undisputed world leader. Its finances were sound even as competitors Douglas and Lockheed struggled. Boeing’s manufacturing was world-leading with excellent quality controls.

Now, Boeing is in crisis. Perhaps this happened gradually, and largely unseen, as a new generation of management took hold. But then came the debacles of two 737 Max crashes caused by near-criminal design errors that collectively killed 346 people, a series of manufacturing faults including a door panel blowing out midflight and whistleblowers listing reprehensible cost-cutting practices and coverups. For many, the first verb in the old saying “If it ain’t Boeing, I ain’t going,” has been changed to “is.” Stakeholders are angry. Some customers research the type of aircraft they are flying before booking a flight. So are investors with shares down by half from five years ago despite markets setting records.

Now consider the Minneapolis Police Department. It long had a good reputation as one cleaner than those in many other big cities. It was generally effective. A spate of murders in 1999 gave the city unwanted national attention as “Murderapolis,” but crime rates declined in parallel with violent crime nationwide.

George Floyd’s killing four years ago blew that apart. While effective and generally corruption free, the department had a long-established internal culture of “thumping” — the beating of some arrestees. Most victims were members of minorities and from lower socio-economic classes. Relations with important communities were fraught with fear and anger. Union intransigence worked to maintain this old-school order. Floyd’s murder brought this perhaps not-so-hidden culture to the fore.

Now the department struggles to cope with rising crime rates, including, again, a spate of murders, including one of its own officers — the first killed on duty in two decades. Like departments in other major cities, it is critically understrength. There is funding for positions, but hiring is extremely difficult.

How would economics compare and contrast the two?

In Econ 101, Boeing’s directors would choose new managers capable of fixing things; Minneapolis elected officials would hire a police chief capable of fixing things. Each would follow stakeholder needs and could hire from an ample pool of qualified people.

In the real world, however, where the interests of stakeholders may not bring consensus, how does new leadership bring troubled organizations back?

Reconstitution and renewal are easier when there is a “going concern.” Strictly speaking, this accounting term describes organizations with stable finances. No serious intrinsic problems threaten going forward. More broadly, going concerns are organizations with staff, technology, procedures and funding to operate. Startups with great inventions, talent or vast funding are not yet going concerns. Nor are ones circling the drain like Donald Trump’s Truth Social.

Crippled organizations like Boeing and the MPD are a different matter.

Consider two examples I experienced in the military. After parachute training in March 1968. I joined an 82nd Airborne Division in turmoil. Five weeks before, in response to the Vietnam War’s jarring Tet offensive, one of its three brigades had moved to Vietnam in five days. Hundreds of those who went had been pulled from two brigades remaining. So I and 54 other newbies joined a depleted company in one shot. The same happened to other companies. Eleven days later, Martin Luther King was assassinated. Despite hundreds of us barely knowing each other, our brigade was now patrolling streets of Washington D.C. Depleted as it was, the 82nd was a going concern, with a cadre of NCOs and officers with decades of experience in packing up and moving out. So getting my platoon to guard a half-looted liquor store and maintain order in our nation’s capital went like clockwork. However, we would have been useless in a Southeast Asian jungle.

Fast forward to 1970 when, after a long detour through Brazil, I joined the 173rd Airborne Brigade in Vietnam. In 1965, as an elite outfit, it had been the first U.S. Army combat unit, as opposed to trainers, sent to Vietnam. But in late 1967, a series of battles in the Central Highlands with hundreds of dead and wounded rendered the brigade ineffective. An OK unit, it was in some combat daily. But politics dictated cycling soldiers through 12 month assignments as individuals. Officers’ careers were enhanced with six months as company leaders and six in staff jobs. Developing unit coherence was impossible.

So are Boeing and the MPD going concerns that can be revived easily? Because of the needs of their stakeholders, neither can be stood down for months or years to retrain and regroup. Airplanes must be delivered, streets patrolled and crimes solved. So how does Boeing regain its historic excellence? How do Minneapolis cops restore public safety while never returning to past unacceptable practices?

At bottom, these knotty questions relate to those posed by economist Adam Smith in 1776. Why do some economies become more successful than others?

Why did Japan and now China and Vietnam make industrial and technological leaps to prosperity while India as yet has not? Why was the Connecticut River valley such a rich source of manufacturing technology and management in the 1800s, or Silicon Valley from the mid-1900s on?

Or consider failures. Why was Argentina so rich by 1910, but stagnant thereafter? Why did Brazil’s automobile sector grow explosively for three decades but never become and export giant — as South Korea’s did? Then why did Brazil’s ag sector, especially soybeans, beef, sugar cane and citrus, grow apace to world market leadership?

We only have partial answers for nations. Broadly educated entire populaces is key, one in which Japan, Taiwan, South Korea and China excelled but Brazil and India fell short. So is research and technology development. China now is challenging others to become a world leader in that. Taiwan excels in semiconductors. Brazil’s ag research and extension system is world class.

Well-defined property rights and coherent, uncorrupted legal systems are important. Japan and Taiwan achieved those, Korea is improving, but Brazil and India lag. Xi Jinping’s return to communist central control coupled with rampant corruption threatens China’s dramatic technological successes.

So we have examples of specific economies forging ahead when conditions were right — just as for military units. Ditto for specific businesses or nonprofits. There are cases of police departments and corporations shaking off bad, failed practices.

Not hiring any more former GE executives tutored by “Neutron Jack” Welch, who ultimately drove that company into the ground, is one suggestion for Boeing. Dynamic, unified leadership from the mayor and city council down to patrol leaders can improve sick public safety departments. But sure-fire prescriptions for success remain as elusive at the micro level of corporations and government departments as at the macro level for nations.

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St. Paul economist and writer Edward Lotterman can be reached at stpaul@edlotterman.com.

Jamelle Bouie: The lazy authoritarianism of Donald Trump

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Donald Trump went to Capitol Hill last week to visit with House Republicans. According to most reports of the meeting, he rambled.

People present told the nonprofit news outlet NOTUS that the former president “treated his meeting as an opportunity to deliver a behind-closed-doors, stream-of-consciousness rant” in which he “tried to settle scores in the House GOP, trashed the city of Milwaukee and took a shot at Nancy Pelosi’s ‘wacko’ daughter.” It was “like talking to your drunk uncle at the family reunion.”

That same week, Trump met with a group of chief executives at the quarterly meeting of the Business Roundtable. Attendees, CNBC reports, were disappointed. “Trump doesn’t know what he’s talking about,” said one executive. Others said that Trump was “remarkably meandering, could not keep a straight thought and was all over the map.”

There is a good chance that by the end of the year, Trump will be president-elect of the United States. And yet with less than five months left before the election, he is no more prepared for a second term than he was for a first. He might even be less prepared: less capable of organizing his thoughts, less able to speak with any coherence and less willing to do or learn anything that might help him overcome his deficiencies.

Everything that made Trump a bad president the first time around promises to make him an even worse one in a second term.

When I say “bad” here, I don’t mean the content of Trump’s agenda, as objectionable as it is, as much as I do his ability to handle the job of chief executive of the United States. In a political culture as obsessed with drama and celebrity as our own, it is easy to lose sight of the fact that the presidency is an actual job — one of the most difficult in the world.

“Just a partial list of all that must go right in a presidency starts to stretch the limits of human endeavor,” John Dickerson, a reporter and anchor for CBS News, writes in “The Hardest Job in the World: The American Presidency.”

“A president,” he goes on to say, “needs to pick the right team in a hurry, including a chief of staff who gets the balance of information flow, delegation and gatekeeping just right. The Cabinet needs to be filled with leaders who have autonomy, but not so much ego that they create political disasters. A president must have exquisite fingertip feel for prioritization, communication and political nuance.”

Trump, in his first term, was not equipped to do the work required of him.

As Jonathan Bernstein, a political scientist, notes in a post for his Substack newsletter, Trump “utterly failed” at the “most important thing for presidents to do in order to succeed: collecting information. Trump didn’t read. He didn’t pay attention during briefings. He didn’t care about policy. He didn’t even bother, as far as anyone can tell, to learn the basic rules of the constitutional system.”

It’s not as if we can expect things to be better in a second term. “Everyone makes mistakes and ideally learns from them,” Matthew Yglesias observes in a recent analysis of Trump’s record as president. “As best I can tell, what Trump learned from his term is that he needs to double down on surrounding himself with craven loyalists who won’t contradict him.”

There is an obvious rejoinder here: How is it possible that Trump is both incompetent and a dangerous authoritarian? How can he undermine American democracy when he struggles to manage his administration?

The answer is that this only seems like a contradiction. In truth, these two sides of the former president are easy to reconcile.

Trump’s authoritarian instincts — his refusal to accept, or even learn, the rules of the constitutional system — are a huge part of the reason he struggled in the job of president. They helped produce the chaos of his administration. That, in turn, has led him to want to corrode and strip away those rules and strictures that stand in the way of his desire to impose his will directly, both on the government and the country at large.

As Dickerson writes, “Trump is in rebellion against the presidency. Its traditions get in the way of the quick results he wants. He either sidesteps or flattens obstacles or opponents that irritate him or slow him down.”

By no means is Trump the first president, or even the first Republican president, to abuse the power of the office in an effort to overcome the constitutional limits of the office. We can see something similar with Richard Nixon and Watergate as well as Ronald Reagan and Iran-Contra, when the White House circumvented a congressional prohibition on foreign aid to rebel groups in Nicaragua.

But Trump makes no distinction between himself and the office of the presidency. He is the kind of man who might say, “L’État, c’est moi” if he knew of anything other than his own desires. He has the heart of an absolutist.

For Trump to bend to the presidency, he would have to embark on the impossible task of denying himself the satisfaction of imposing his will on others. And so he has tried to break the presidency instead, to transform a constitutional office defined by its limits into an instrument of his personal authority.

A second term would mean even more of the chaos, corruption, disorder and incompetence that defined his first four years in office. Trump and his more ideologically driven allies and advisers would smash through the constitutional system, in a reckless drive to satisfy their dreams, desires and delusions.

Jamelle Bouie writes a column for the New York Times.

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