Skeet, Pelissero: How to avoid AI-enhanced attempts to manipulate the election

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The headlines this election cycle have been dominated by unprecedented events, among them former President Donald Trump’s criminal conviction, the attempt on his life, President Joe Biden’s disastrous debate performance and his replacement on the Democratic ticket by Vice President Kamala Harris. It’s no wonder other important political developments have been drowned out, including the steady drip of artificial intelligence-enhanced attempts to influence voters.

During the presidential primaries, a fake Biden robocall urged New Hampshire voters to wait until November to cast their votes. In July, Elon Musk shared a video that included a voice mimicking Harris’ saying things she did not say. Originally labeled as a parody, the clip readily morphed to an unlabeled post on X with more than 130 million views, highlighting the challenge voters are facing.

More recently, Trump weaponized concerns about AI by falsely claiming that a photo of a Harris rally was generated by AI, suggesting the crowd wasn’t real. And a deepfake photo of the attempted assassination of the former president altered the faces of Secret Service agents so they appear to be smiling, promoting the false theory that the shooting was staged.

Clearly, when it comes to AI manipulation, the voting public has to be ready for anything.

Voters wouldn’t be in this predicament if candidates had clear policies on the use of AI in their campaigns. Written guidelines about when and how campaigns intend to use AI would allow people to compare candidates’ use of the technology to their stated policies. This would help voters assess whether candidates practice what they preach. If a politician lobbies for watermarking AI so that people can identify when it is being used, for example, they should be using such labeling on their own AI in ads and other campaign materials.

AI policy statements can also help people protect themselves from bad actors trying to manipulate their votes. And a lack of trustworthy means for assessing the use of AI undermines the value the technology could bring to elections if deployed properly, fairly and with full transparency.

It’s not as if politicians aren’t using AI. Indeed, companies such as Google and Microsoft have acknowledged that they have trained dozens of campaigns and political groups on using generative AI tools.

Major technology firms released a set of principles earlier this year guiding the use of AI in elections. They also promised to develop technology to detect and label realistic content created with generative AI and educate the public about its use. However, these commitments lack any means of enforcement.

Government regulators have responded to concerns about AI’s effect on elections. In February, following the rogue New Hampshire robocall, the Federal Communications Commission moved to make such tactics illegal. The consultant who masterminded the call was fined $6 million, and the telecommunications company that placed the calls was fined $2 million. But even though the FCC wants to require that use of AI in broadcast ads be disclosed, the Federal Election Commission’s chair announced last month that the agency was ending its consideration of regulating AI in political ads. FEC officials said that would exceed their authority and that they would await direction from Congress on the issue.

California and other states require disclaimers when the technology is used, but only when there is an attempt at malice. Michigan and Washington require disclosure on any use of AI. And Minnesota, Georgia, Texas and Indiana have passed bans on using AI in political ads altogether.

It’s likely too late in this election cycle to expect campaigns to start disclosing their AI practices. So the onus lies with voters to remain vigilant about AI — in much the same way that other technologies, such as self-checkout in grocery and other stores, have transferred responsibility to consumers.

Voters can’t rely on the election information that comes to their mailboxes, inboxes and social media platforms to be free of technological manipulation. They need to take note of who has funded the distribution of such materials and look for obvious signs of AI use in images, such as missing fingers or mismatched earrings. Voters should know the source of information they are consuming, how it was vetted and how it is being shared. All of this will contribute to more information literacy, which, along with critical thinking, is a skill voters will need to fill out their ballots this fall.

Ann G. Skeet is the senior director of leadership ethics and John P. Pelissero is the director of government ethics at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University. They are among the co-authors of ” Voting for Ethics: A Guide for U.S. Voters,” from which portions of this piece were adapted. They wrote this column for the Los Angeles Times.

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Farah Stockman: There’s a right way and a wrong way to wield sanctions

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Pascale Solages, an anti-corruption activist from Haiti, burst into tears of joy last month when she heard that the U.S. Treasury Department had finally slapped sanctions on Michel Martelly, a former president of Haiti who is accused of drug trafficking, money laundering and fueling violent gangs in Port-au-Prince. It was a sign that the U.S. government, which once supported Martelly, was actually listening to the Haitian people. And it raised her hopes that Martelly, who lives in Miami, might finally lose his political influence and be brought to justice.

“It’s a really important step,” she told me.

Her words struck me because I’ve been critical of the proliferation of U.S. sanctions in recent years, after binge-reading research papers on the collateral damage they cause. The more I read, the more convinced I became that crippling sanctions on entire countries — as in the case of Cuba, Iran and Venezuela — are counterproductive. They create widespread misery but strengthen autocrats’ grip on power by bankrupting independent businesses that might have served as counterweights. Those left standing become beholden to the regime or to criminal networks that can help them sidestep U.S. laws.

Sanctions also backfire by driving adversaries like Cuba, Iran and Venezuela further into the arms of Russia and China, solidifying what has been called an “axis of the sanctioned.” Don’t take my word for it. Read the analysis The Washington Post published this summer about how even senior U.S. officials fear that sanctions, which have become a tool of first resort, are being overused. Or read the letter that hundreds of legal scholars from around the world wrote to President Joe Biden last month, in which they described sanctions on Iran, Cuba, Syria and North Korea as “collective punishment.”

But asset freezes and visa bans on individuals — like the former Haitian president — can be a different story.

Targeting keptocrats and human-rights abusers

Targeted sanctions like those are often the only way kleptocrats and human rights abusers ever get held accountable. While the sanctions might not change behavior, they send a strong signal and impose a stigma that can serve warnings to others. They cause less collateral damage, and they provide more opportunities to craft deals that can change the status quo. After being imposed, they give the United States a valuable bargaining chip, such as the promise to unfreeze assets if the offender releases political prisoners or steps down from power.

Thomas J. Biersteker, who advises the United Nations and several governments on designing effective targeted sanctions, told me that targeted sanctions on individual people “offer more choices and opportunities” than sweeping sanctions on entire countries. He thinks governments should be more strategic about how they are used, and the governments should experiment more often with rolling them back to see if that produces a change in behavior. “That’s why I say that sanctions are overused but underutilized,” he said.

They aren’t perfect. Questions about due process — how much proof of bad behavior should be required to impose sanctions on someone, and whether their spouses or children are fair game — remain unresolved.

Yet, in countries that are keen to stay on Washington’s good side, subjecting one bad guy to sanctions can produce swift results.

Examples …

In 2019, sanctions against a corrupt Latvian oligarch prompted the government of Latvia to strip him of control over a port that he ran. In 2022, U.S. sanctions against a notoriously corrupt Ukrainian judge helped spur some long-awaited judicial reforms.

And last year in Guatemala, targeted sanctions helped rescue the country’s democratically elected president, Bernardo Arévalo — an anti-corruption crusader — from a coup by the kleptocratic elite. When powerful forces looked poised to block Arévalo from taking office, two things saved the country’s democracy. The first was an unexpectedly strong protest movement initiated by Indigenous leaders and young people in Guatemala. The second was the Biden-Harris administration, which canceled nearly 300 U.S. visas of members of Guatemala’s elite and slapped sanctions on Miguel Martínez, a close associate of the incumbent president, Alejandro Giammattei, for corruption and “interfering with the country’s democratic transfer of power.”

A month later, Arévalo was sworn in. “The Biden administration and Kamala Harris has been very important for democracy in Guatemala,” Andrea Reyes, a Guatemalan lawmaker from the Seed Movement party, told me.

Of course, such victories are fragile and most elusive in countries that don’t mind antagonizing Washington. In Venezuela, the bleeding wound of the Western Hemisphere, the Biden administration eased oil sanctions in exchange for a free and fair election. But President Nicolás Maduro has refused to give up power since the presidential election in July, in which he was almost certainly defeated. Instead, he is digging in, cracking down on protesters and political rivals. Edmundo González, a former diplomat who is widely believed to have won the election, fled the country for Spain. María Corina Machado, the leader of the opposition, has gone into hiding.

The United States can’t just sit back and do nothing. It has little choice but to continually add people to the list of sanctioned Venezuelans. Even if the sanctions won’t pry Maduro from power, they are one way to extract some modicum of justice for the people of Venezuela.

Infamous members of the Maduro regime

Maduro and his wife have already been hit with sanctions, but there’s a slew of businessmen connected to the regime who remain untouched, including 232 current and former military officers who live in Florida or own businesses there, according to Ewald Scharfenberg, a Venezuelan investigative journalist.

“It is almost a joke,” he told me.

His reporting suggests that one of the most infamous members of the Maduro regime, Alexander Enrique Granko Arteaga, who was accused of torture by the European Union, manages to keep a financial foot in Florida through a network of companies owned by his relatives and allies, despite being hit personally with U.S. sanctions in 2019.

He argues that targeting businessmen connected to Maduro in Florida might weaken support for the regime. “They want to enjoy their wealth not in Havana or Belarus, but in London or Paris or Miami — mainly Miami, which is the dream of every Venezuelan,” Scharfenberg said.

It may well be that the biggest benefit such sanctions can bring is boosting the morale of activists on the ground who are risking their lives and searching for signs that the dictatorship might one day be defeated. Adam Keith, director for accountability at Human Rights First, who works with human rights defenders around the world, told me, “Hearing from an outside voice as powerful as the U.S. government means something to them.”

Fighting corruption and impunity

For Solages, it means vindication. She has spent the last six years fighting corruption and impunity in Haiti through her organization, Nou Pap Dòmi — and trying to get U.S. officials to acknowledge that the former president was involved in drug trafficking and gangs, and do something about it. She’s been forced to flee her country, and friends of hers have been killed in the struggle for justice and better governance of Haiti.

Sanctions alone are not enough, she said. “We want to see them go to jail,” she told me. “We want to seize what they stole from the country.” But sanctions at least serve as some sort of promise that Haitians’ struggle will not be in vain.

Farah Stockman writes for the New York Times.

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Movie review: ‘Speak No Evil’ an effective iteration of Danish horror film

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There tends to be a sense of wariness around an American remake of an international film: a worry that the American version will squander the inherent qualities of the original; that the filmmakers and studio might take something singular and turn it into a bigger, shinier blockbuster. Ironically, that is exactly the case with writer/director James Watkins’ “Speak No Evil” — a remake of a 2022 Danish horror film of the same name by Christian Tafdrup — and yet it works, thanks to a rock-solid, sickeningly horrifying premise dreamed up by Tafdrup and his brother Mads, with whom he wrote his screenplay.

“Speak No Evil” is a horror film “of manners,” so to speak. A couple with a young daughter meet another couple with a son on vacation in Italy and become friendly. The couple with the son invite the other family to stay at their home for a weekend, where the environment becomes increasingly awkward and even dangerous. The question becomes, where does self-preservation prevail over politeness? When does survival supersede social grace?

The original Danish film is suffused with an existential bleakness and a crushing sense of dread. Yet, there are moments throughout where the characters might escape their horrible fate, where you shout at them to keep going, don’t turn around now. There’s a bit of a “Choose Your Own Adventure” quality to the setup where the audience can insert themselves: at what point do you leave? Where is your red line? What would you do here? Because we come to find out that this terrible scenario has happened repeatedly, one can imagine the different ways this might play out with different people, which is exactly Watkins’ take on the remake: with a new set of players, how does this unfold?

From left, Alix West Lefler, Scoot McNairy and Mackenzie Davis in “Speak No Evil.” (Susie Allnutt/Universal Pictures and Blumhouse/TNS)

In Watkins’ iteration, an American expat family who have just moved to London replace the Danish family; a working-class English trio from Devon take the place of the Dutch vacation friends who invite them for a visit to their farm in the West Country. The Americans have a sensitive, anxious daughter named Agnes (Alix West Lefler), the English have a withdrawn, mute boy, Ant (Dan Hough), whom they hope will be friends.

American husband Ben (Scoot McNairy) has his own set of issues that lead him to seek out a friendship with Paddy (James McAvoy), a funny, brutish, rough-and-tumble lad married to the sexy, easygoing Ciara (Aisling Franciosi). Ben, who has recently lost the job that brought them abroad, and whose marriage with strident Louise (Mackenzie Davis) is strained, is somewhat aimless and emasculated. Paddy is a confident, manly, back-to-the-land type, and he seems to hold the secret to masculine reinvigoration; the promise of his friendship is as intriguing to Ben as it is off-putting to Louise.

Yet Louise assents to her husband’s desires out of a sense of guilt and a feminine desire to please. She will squash her clanging inner alarm bells that go off every time Paddy offers her a slice of meat (she’s vegetarian), drives erratically, disciplines Ant harshly and consistently makes her uncomfortable. Her sense of empathy for Ciara and Ant overrides her impulse to flee until she can no longer ignore her instincts and her assertive American mama bear comes charging forth.

You don’t cast Davis, who once starred in a “Terminator” film, if that option isn’t on the table. And while the grinning, sinister McAvoy might grace the film’s poster, and McNairy’s Ben is the catalyst for the story’s engine, make no mistake, Davis emerges as the star of “Speak No Evil.” Her small, minute reactions as she’s trying to maintain the sweet wife image are as deft as her more powerful, action-oriented moments.

Watkins offers up a deeply faithful adaptation in the first hour, condensing a few moments here and there to make room for a more extended standoff and showdown in the climax. So yes, this American remake is the bigger, shinier version of the small, menacing Scandinavian film, boasting sweeping aerial photography, larger sets and pyrotechnics. It also more overtly explores themes of abuse cycles, embittered white male entitlement and complex marriage dynamics. The children, who are aged up, have more agency in the story too.

Perhaps for some, this will be an affront to the devastating, almost meaningless terror of the original, a cautionary tale about stepping outside one’s confines that offered no easy answers about its violence other than, “because you let me.” But in the remake, it is fascinating to see how Watkins teases out new themes, cultural nuances and endings with a whole new set of characters placed within this premise. Despite the differences, it is still a thrill to watch it play out in its own way.

‘Speak No Evil’

3 stars out of 4
MPA rating: R (for some strong violence, language, some sexual content and brief drug use)
Running time: 1:50
How to watch: In theaters on Friday, Sept. 13

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Today in History: September 13, thousands rescued in wake of Hurricane Ike

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Today is Friday, Sept. 13, the 257th day of 2024. There are 109 days left in the year.

Today in history:

On Sept. 13, 2008, crews rescued people from their homes in an all-out search for thousands of Texans who had stayed behind overnight to face Hurricane Ike.

Also on this date:

In 1788, the Congress of the Confederation authorized the first national election and declared New York City the temporary national capital.

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Today in History: September 10, Clarence Thomas’ Supreme Court nomination hearings begin

In 1948, Republican Margaret Chase Smith of Maine was elected to the U.S. Senate; she became the first woman to serve in both houses of Congress.

In 1971, a four-day inmate rebellion at the Attica Correctional Facility in western New York ended as police and guards stormed the prison; the ordeal and final assault claimed the lives of 32 inmates and 11 hostages.

In 1997, a funeral was held in Calcutta, India, for Nobel peace laureate Mother Teresa.

In 1993, at the White House, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and PLO chairman Yasser Arafat shook hands after signing an accord granting limited Palestinian autonomy.

In 2010, Rafael Nadal beat Novak Djokovic to win his first U.S. Open title and complete a career Grand Slam.

In 2021, school resumed for New York City public school students in the nation’s largest experiment of in-person learning during the coronavirus pandemic.

Today’s Birthdays:

Actor Barbara Bain is 93.
Nobel Peace Prize laureate Óscar Arias is 84.
Rock singer David Clayton-Thomas (Blood, Sweat & Tears) is 83.
Actor Jacqueline Bisset is 80.
Singer Peter Cetera is 80.
Actor Jean Smart is 73.
Record producer Don Was is 72.
Chef Alain Ducasse is 68.
Rock singer-musician Dave Mustaine (Megadeth) is 63.
Olympic gold medal sprinter Michael Johnson is 57.
Filmmaker Tyler Perry is 55.
Fashion designer Stella McCartney is 53.
Former tennis player Goran Ivanisevic (ee-van-EE’-seh-vihch) is 53.
Country musician Joe Don Rooney (Rascal Flatts) is 49.
Singer-songwriter Fiona Apple is 47.
Actor Ben Savage is 44.
Soccer player Thomas Müller is 35.
Rock singer Niall Horan (One Direction) is 31.
Actor Lili Reinhart (TV: “Riverdale”) is 28.