America’s mass transit agencies are teetering on the brink of collapse. The money they got from Congress to help them through COVID-19 is running out, but ridership remains below what it was before the pandemic.

Lower fare revenue plus higher wage costs equals a bigger deficit. Unless state governments fill that gap, agencies will need to dramatically curtail service. Yet service levels are one of the primary determinants of ridership. Hence the increasing risk of a “death spiral,” where revenue shortfalls lead to service cutbacks, which lead to lower revenue, which lead to service cuts, and so on.

State legislatures should try to avoid this doom cycle, even though finding the money may be difficult. But there is a deeper issue here, beyond the question of less funding versus more, or higher versus lower levels of service: the declining labor productivity of transit agencies. The tasks performed by transit workers have remained basically the same for decades even as wages have risen to keep up with economy-wide trends.

The agencies themselves deserve some blame for not finding ways to modernize operations and improve efficiency. But Congress itself is a major culprit — specifically, and sorry to wonk out here, Section 13(c) of the Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1964. This provision, as Marc Scribner of the Reason Foundation points out, makes cost-saving reforms difficult if not impossible.

Some background: In the early 1960s, many private transit companies were being taken over by state or city governments. The rise of the automobile had reduced greatly the commercial viability of these networks, yet then as now they were seen as important public services. Private transit companies were widely unionized at the time, but public sector unions were rare. There was a (quaint-sounding by contemporary standards) concern that taking agencies public would serve as a form of union-busting.

So the law required that agencies which receive federal funding, which was essentially all of them, to protect collective bargaining rights, guarantee re-employment of workers who lost their jobs, and safeguard employees “against a worsening of their positions.”

The upshot is that not only do transit agencies face all the usual obstacles to making their workforce more efficient, they are in many respects prohibited from doing so.

For example, there are basically two ways that a transit agency can provide bus service. The standard way in the U.S. is that the transit agency owns and maintains the buses and employs the drivers. In the rest of the world, however, it is more common for the transit agency to act as a contractor: It draws up the service map and frequency it wants, and lets private companies bid on the job. As a striking paper published in 2017 notes, by fully switching to a contracting model, U.S. transit agencies could reduce bus operating costs by 30% with no reduction in service.

That sounds like an almost ridiculously large cost saving. Yet the result doesn’t stem from any magic privatization fairy dust — it’s simply that union contracts pay bus drivers (and other transit employees) above-market wages.

So transit agencies could privatize in order to avoid the union premium and save money. Or they could deprive workers of their collective bargaining rights and save money. Except that under federal law, they can’t actually do either of those things.

In the longer term, of course, there is incredible promise in autonomous driving. Right now in San Francisco, Phoenix and Los Angeles, it’s possible to ride in a driverless taxi. It will soon be possible in other cities. Creating a driverless car that works is a difficult engineering challenge.

A self-driving train, by contrast, is fairly trivial — it turns on tracks and does not need to steer around objects or even engage with other vehicles except to have an emergency stopping function. Precisely because the driverless train is a much simpler problem, the technology is neither new nor particularly exotic. The subway systems of Dubai and Copenhagen are fully automated, and the Paris Metro is partially so. Automated train systems are used in many U.S. airports.

Automated trains provide a kind of double dividend — they are both cheaper to operate and, since they can drive safely with less spacing between them, allow for more frequent service.

The problem, of course, is that there is an upfront capital cost associated with automation. In a sane world, given the large transit investments the federal government has made in the last half-decade, some priority would have been given to spending on things like automation. It wasn’t. But that doesn’t mean state and local governments can’t do it themselves. The obstacle, again, is that six-decade-old federal law, under which workers can only be replaced over a very long time horizon through attrition.

This also helps explain why no transit agency is currently partnering with driverless car companies despite the clear benefits of doing so. An automated bus is a harder technical problem than an automated train, but a more bounded one than a driverless car; it follows a fixed route, for example. A driverless bus would also allow agencies to maintain service during late-night hours, when demand is lower but staffing costs aren’t.

Neither of these steps is a panacea for transit’s challenges in a post-pandemic world. But they are alternatives to a death spiral in service or an ever-growing succession of subsidies.

Of course it sounds naïve, or even outlandish, to call for a last dose of bridge funding paired with a reform of the Urban Mass Transportation Act and a mandate to cut operating costs. But in the hypothetical world where Republicans actually cared about the efficiency of government and Democrats actually cared about the quality of public services, that’s what Congress would do.

Matthew Yglesias is a columnist for Bloomberg Opinion. A co-founder of and former columnist for Vox, he writes the Slow Boring blog and newsletter. He is author of “One Billion Americans.”

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One way to hasten a long-delayed home renovation is to set the house on fire. Having helped torch much of the federal bureaucracy, Elon Musk says he plans to move on from his work at the Department of Government Efficiency. Here’s hoping a sounder reform of the civil service can now begin.

DOGE began with much hype. It promised some $2 trillion in savings. Staffers vowed to quickly root out fraud and inefficiencies. Often wielding a chainsaw, Musk set about firing federal workers, canceling contracts, gutting programs and dispatching a corps of technology experts without government experience to root around in critical systems.

Almost all of it backfired. Sweeping cuts of crucial employees, such as nuclear-weapons experts, had to be reversed. Courts and cabinet secretaries raised objections. Chaos and confusion reigned across the government. Public opinion soured on DOGE, and Musk said he’d step back “significantly” to spend more time on his businesses.

As for the savings? DOGE’s own estimates — now whittled down to some $160 billion — have proved to be error-ridden and wildly inflated. One analysis found that the group’s chaos will impose costs of some $135 billion this year, or more than 80% of the supposed savings. Another study found that cuts to the Internal Revenue Service would result in at least $350 billion in forgone revenue over a decade. It’s likely, in other words, that this whole exercise has been a net negative for taxpayers.

The shame of it is that Musk & Co. had identified real shortcomings. An overhaul of government technology is badly needed. Agencies really do waste a lot of money. Some fail in their most basic functions. Taxpayers can’t help but notice when astronauts are stranded in space, faulty planes are cleared to fly and the student-loan system becomes all but unworkable. Not least, current government spending is completely unsustainable.

Yet Musk misdiagnosed the problems. Out-of-control spending is primarily driven not by fraud but by entitlement programs, which DOGE hasn’t touched. Addressing this crisis-in-the-making is a job for lawmakers.

Likewise, most of the bureaucracy’s failures are due not to laziness but to rules and procedures mandated by Congress. Extensive research has described the basic reforms needed: flexibility to upgrade the workforce, better access to the technology and data that workers need to accomplish their goals, fewer burdensome compliance tasks, and more incentives to think creatively.

As Musk’s involvement wanes, the priority for policymakers should be focusing on such workaday improvements. The president has said he wants to “keep the best and most productive people.” Appointing Scott Kupor to lead the Office of Personnel Management is a good start. Kupor, managing partner at Andreessen Horowitz, says that he prefers a “surgical” approach to cutting jobs and wants to redesign the recruitment, development and management systems for federal workers.

Next, Congress needs to update the Civil Service Reform Act to build a workforce suited to the digital era. That means rewarding federal workers for showing initiative and producing measurable results rather than for box-ticking. Staffers who deal directly with the public are often in the best position to see how and why government programs are falling short; they should be empowered to do something about it.

Lawmakers also need to cut down on busywork. Agencies are required to submit thousands of labor-intensive reports annually, many of which are completely ignored. The well-meaning Paperwork Reduction Act has paralyzed efforts to design better government services and should be rescinded. The 2,000-page Federal Acquisition Regulation could (let’s say) use some simplifying.

Such problems have persisted for decades, despite innumerable efforts at reform. If policymakers are interested in durable changes, they need to start doing things differently. Musk’s exit is a good opportunity to get serious.

— The Bloomberg Opinion Editorial Board

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When I made these meatballs for dinner last week, it was far too hot outside for a buttery sauce and mashed potatoes on the side, as the recipe suggests — delicious but wintry. So I tossed about a pint of halved cherry tomatoes into the pan and let them cook down along with the meatballs, and then served it all with toast. Light, bright: This is my summer 2025 meatball dinner.

1. Turkey-Ricotta Meatballs

Julia Turshen, author of the cookbook “Small Victories” (Chronicle Books, 2016), cracked the code on turkey meatballs: Ricotta adds milky creaminess and acts as a binder. Taking her lead, the first two steps of this recipe produce all-purpose turkey meatballs that are light in texture and rich in flavor, and the final step of basting the meatballs with an herb-and-garlic-infused butter turns them into a weekday luxury. Eat with mashed or roasted potatoes or other root vegetables, polenta, whole grains, or a mustardy salad. (For oven instructions, see Tip below.)

By Ali Slagle

Yield: 4 servings

Total time: 25 minutes

INGREDIENTS

For the meatballs:

1 pound ground turkey
1/2 cup whole-milk ricotta
1/3 cup finely grated Parmesan
1/2 teaspoon red-pepper flakes or black pepper
1 garlic clove, finely grated
Kosher salt (such as Diamond Crystal)
1 1/2 tablespoons neutral oil (such as canola or grapeseed), plus more for your hands

For the herb-butter sauce:

3 tablespoons unsalted butter, sliced
2 sage sprigs, 1 rosemary sprig or 1/2 teaspoon dried oregano
2 garlic cloves, smashed and peeled

DIRECTIONS

1. In a medium bowl, mix together the turkey, ricotta, Parmesan, red-pepper flakes, garlic and 1/2 teaspoon salt. Using oiled hands, roll into 12 meatballs, a heaping 2 tablespoons each.

2. In a large skillet, preferably cast-iron, heat the oil over medium. Add the meatballs and cook until browned on two sides, 4 to 6 minutes per side, lowering the heat as necessary if the meatballs are getting too dark.

3. Add the butter, sage and garlic. As the butter melts, tilt the skillet and baste the meatballs by spooning the butter over them. Flip the meatballs every so often and continue to baste until the butter is browned and nutty and the meatballs are cooked through, 1 to 2 minutes. Eat the meatballs with the butter spooned over top.

Tip: You can also broil the meatballs in a greased, oven-safe skillet for 8 to 12 minutes, or roast at 425 degrees for 7 to 10 minutes, until browned on one side and nearly cooked through. Continue with step 3 on the stovetop.

2. Sheet-Pan Salmon and Broccoli With Sesame and Ginger

Soy and sesame sheet pan salmon with broccoli. (Linda Xiao/The New York Times)

A healthy sheet-pan dinner that comes together in just 20 minutes? Sign us up. Brushing a simple sesame-ginger glaze onto the salmon before it roasts promotes caramelization on the fish, a feat not easily accomplished when roasting salmon fillets. The garnishes give this dinner a professional finish: A squeeze of lime juice, a sprinkle of sesame seeds and a handful of thinly sliced scallions make for a beautiful plate.

By Lidey Heuck

Yield: 4 servings

Total time: 20 minutes

INGREDIENTS

4 tablespoons toasted sesame oil
2 tablespoons soy sauce or tamari
1 tablespoon rice vinegar
1 tablespoon honey
1 (2-inch) piece fresh ginger, peeled and finely grated (about 1 tablespoon)
1 garlic clove, finely grated
1 pound broccoli, trimmed and cut into florets, thick stems discarded
2 scallions, trimmed and cut diagonally into 1 1/2-inch segments, plus thinly sliced scallions for garnish
1 tablespoon olive oil, plus more for brushing the salmon
Kosher salt and black pepper
4 (6-ounce) skin-on salmon fillets
1/2 lime, for serving
Sesame seeds, for serving

DIRECTIONS

1. Heat the oven to 425 degrees. In a small bowl, whisk 3 tablespoons sesame oil with the soy sauce, vinegar, honey, ginger and garlic until smooth. Set the glaze aside.

2. Place the broccoli florets and 1 1/2-inch scallion segments on a sheet pan. Drizzle with 1 tablespoon olive oil and the remaining 1 tablespoon sesame oil. Sprinkle with 1/2 teaspoon salt and 1/4 teaspoon black pepper, toss well and roast for 5 minutes.

3. While the broccoli and scallions roast, place the salmon fillets on a plate and pat dry with paper towels. Brush all over with olive oil and sprinkle with salt and pepper.

4. Toss the broccoli and scallions and move to the edges of the pan, clearing spaces in the center for the salmon fillets. Place the salmon fillets, evenly spaced, on the center of the pan. Brush the fillets generously with the glaze.

5. Return the pan to the oven and roast until the salmon is cooked through but still slightly rare in the center, about 12 minutes.

6. Squeeze the lime over the broccoli and sprinkle with salt. Scatter the sliced scallions and sesame seeds over the salmon, and serve hot.

3. Butter Paneer

Butter Paneer. Food Stylist: Cyd Raftus McDowell. (Armando Rafael/The New York Times)

Paneer cubes are cooked in three types of fat here: ghee, butter and cashew butter for a luxurious vegetarian main. ​​Traditionally, roasted and crushed cashews are pureed with cooked onions and tomatoes, but this version skips the hassle and achieves the same creamy, nutty richness. Red chile and fresh Thai green chiles layer in a touch of heat. Substitute firm tofu for paneer to make the dish vegan, and spoon the leftovers over noodles for another meal.

By Zainab Shah

Yield: 4 servings

Total time: 30 minutes

INGREDIENTS

1 1/2 pounds paneer, cut into 1/2-inch cubes
2 tablespoons ghee or vegetable, canola or other neutral oil
1 teaspoon freshly grated ginger or ginger paste
1 teaspoon freshly grated garlic or garlic paste
1 small white onion, finely chopped
1 teaspoon Kashmiri red chile powder
1 teaspoon garam masala
1 (14-ounce) can of crushed tomatoes, or 6 plum tomatoes, chopped
2 tablespoons cashew butter
2 tablespoons unsalted butter
Salt and freshly ground black pepper
3 Thai green chiles, chopped (optional)
1 tablespoon chopped cilantro (optional)
Rice or roti, for serving

DIRECTIONS

1. If using store-bought paneer, soak the cheese in hot tap water for 10 minutes; drain.

2. In a medium pot, heat ghee on high until it melts, 30 to 90 seconds. Stir in ginger and garlic and cook until the smell of raw garlic dissipates, about 30 seconds. Add onion and continue cooking, stirring occasionally, until onion is translucent, 5 to 7 minutes.

3. Add chile powder and half of the garam masala and cook until deliciously fragrant, about 30 seconds. Stir in the tomatoes and cashew butter. Cook, stirring occasionally, until the tomatoes start to break down, 5 to 7 minutes.

4. Adjust heat to medium and add the butter. Cook until butter has melted into the mixture, about 30 seconds. Stir in 1 teaspoon salt and add water if a thinner sauce is desired. Taste and add more salt if necessary. Stir in the paneer cubes. Simmer for 5 minutes on low, until the flavors have melded. Top with the rest of the garam masala and the green chiles and cilantro, if using. Serve with rice or roti.

4. Pork Chops With Jammy-Mustard Glaze

Pork chops with jammy-mustard glaze. Food Stylist: Simon Andrews. (David Malosh/The New York Times)

Fruit and mustard are two classic accompaniments to pork, and really, a juicy chop doesn’t need much more than that for a sweet and tangy sauce. Mix together water, grainy mustard and any fruit preserve that’s good with pork like cherry, fig, peach or apricot. Sear bone-in pork chops mostly on one side to prevent overcooking, then pour the fruit-mustard mixture into the skillet while they rest. The pork will stay moist, and its juices will have time to mingle with the sauce. Then just slice the pork and drape it in the velvety two-ingredient glaze. Eat with mashed or roasted potatoes and a green salad.

By Ali Slagle

Yield: 4 servings

Total time: 20 minutes

INGREDIENTS

2 tablespoons cherry, fig, peach or apricot preserves, plus more if needed
2 tablespoons whole-grain mustard, plus more if needed
4 (1/2- to 3/4-inch-thick) pork rib chops (1 1/2 to 2 pounds)
Kosher salt and black pepper
2 tablespoons neutral oil (such as canola or grapeseed)

DIRECTIONS

1. In a small bowl, stir together 1/4 cup water, the preserves and the mustard. Set near the stove. Pat the pork chops dry, and season all over with salt and pepper.

2. In a large (12-inch) cast-iron skillet, heat the oil over medium-high. Add the pork chops and cook, occasionally pressing down to make good contact with the skillet, until browned, 4 to 5 minutes. Reduce the heat to low, flip the chops and cook until opaque on the other side, 1 to 2 minutes. Pour in the jam-mustard mixture, turn off the heat, and let rest for 5 minutes.

3. Transfer the chops to plates, then return the skillet to medium-low heat and simmer, scraping up browned bits, until the sauce has thickened slightly, 1 to 3 minutes. Taste and adjust seasonings. Every jam is different, so if it’s too sweet, add more mustard, salt or black pepper; if it’s too salty, add a little more jam; if it’s too intense or thick, add a little more water; if it’s flat, add salt. Spoon sauce over the pork chops.

5. Chickpea Picadillo

Chickpea Picadillo. Food Stylist: Barrett Washburne. (Bryan Gardner/The New York Times)

This plant-based take on a Mexican picadillo trades the traditional ground meat for a deeply savory mix of mushrooms, tofu and chickpeas, simmered with tangy tomatillos, poblano and scallions until everything melds into a rich, comforting hash. A box grater gives the tofu a ground meatlike texture that crisps beautifully in the pan, while the tomatillos add a tart freshness that keeps each bite lively and light. This weeknight-friendly dish is flavorful and deeply satisfying — especially when served alongside rice and beans or made into tacos or burritos. Make a double batch and freeze the leftovers: This is the kind of comfort food whose flavor gets better with time.

By Rick A. Martínez

Yield: 4 servings

Total time: 40 minutes

INGREDIENTS

6 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil
8 ounces mushrooms (such as cremini), chopped
12 ounces extra-firm tofu, grated on the large holes of a box grater
5 large scallions, chopped, green and white parts separated
1 medium poblano chile, seeds removed, chopped
1 to 2 jalapeños, chopped (use 1 seeded jalapeño for a milder dish, 2 with seeds for medium heat)
3 garlic cloves, finely chopped
6 ounces tomatillos (about 3), husked, rinsed and chopped
Salt
1 1/2 cups vegetable or mushroom stock
1 (15-ounce) can chickpeas, undrained
1/4 cup chopped cilantro leaves and tender stems
Rice and beans, for serving

DIRECTIONS

1. Heat 2 tablespoons oil in a large well-seasoned cast-iron or nonstick skillet over high. Cook mushrooms, tossing occasionally, until browned on all sides, 6 to 8 minutes. Transfer to a medium bowl.

2. Heat 2 tablespoons oil in the same skillet and cook tofu, tossing occasionally, until any liquid has evaporated and the edges are browned (tofu should look like shredded and browned egg whites), 6 to 8 minutes. Transfer to the bowl with the mushrooms.

3. Heat remaining 2 tablespoons oil in the same skillet and add the scallion whites, poblano, jalapeño, garlic, tomatillos and salt and cook, tossing occasionally, until the scallions are just starting to brown and the tomatillos begin to break down, about 5 minutes.

4. Reduce heat to medium-high and return the mushrooms and tofu, along with any juices, to the pan. Stir in the vegetable stock and the chickpeas along with their liquid. Bring to a simmer and cook, stirring and scraping up browned bits, until all the vegetables are tender and most of the liquid has evaporated, 15 to 20 minutes. Season with more salt if needed.

5. Mix in cilantro and scallion greens just before serving. Serve with rice and beans.

Tip: Picadillo (without cilantro or scallion greens) can be refrigerated in an airtight container for up to 2 days or frozen for up to 3 months. Reheat in the microwave or in a small saucepan, covered, on low.

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Illinois Democratic Gov. JB Pritzker recently gave a speech in New Hampshire that lit up partisan circles thrilled with his fiery and combative tone.

“The reckoning is here,” Pritzker said while issuing a thunderous call for mass mobilization and disruption to counter President Donald Trump’s agenda. He said the American house is on fire, a raging “five-alarmer.”

“If it sounds like I’m becoming contemptuous of Donald Trump and the people that he has elevated, it’s because I am,” he said. “You should be, too.”

It’s easy to understand the impulse to accept the governor’s invitation, and the notion that the only way to fight contempt is with more contempt. After all, Trump seems to revel in the art of escalation: On his social media platform Truth Social, he referred to Democrats as “Radical Left Lunatics” and said, “They have lost everything, especially their minds!”

In his speech, Pritzker went on to say that “there’s a way out of this mess,” and I wholeheartedly agree. But it’s not through contempt. Contempt is a bad strategy because it doesn’t solve problems. It stokes a desire for revenge. It backfires. It all but guarantees that your opponent will dig deeper into the animosity between you. Contempt could never get us “out of this mess” because it’s what got us into this mess.

I’d like to stress an alternative: Rather than make our arguments with contempt for the other side, make the arguments with dignity. Treat the other side like they matter. In contrast to contemptuous speech, treating people with dignity recognizes the inherent worth of every person and leaves space for holding people accountable by focusing on facts, actions, decisions and outcomes.

The warmup to the Democratic nomination has begun, evidenced by the fact that high-profile politicians are showing up in New Hampshire — an early presidential primary state — hoping to set a course to Election 2028. Democrats and Republicans alike would do well to recognize that increasing polarization is the most likely result of aggressive posturing, spinning us into doom loops of despair.

Politicians have a special obligation, by virtue of their outsize public platforms, to remove contempt from political discourse. As the Harvard University professor, behavioral science expert and bestselling author Arthur C. Brooks has stated, “If you listen to how people talk to each other in political life today, you notice it is with pure contempt.” He continued: “If we want to solve the problem of polarization today, we have to solve the contempt problem.”

Treating people with contempt may sound tough, but it doesn’t hold people accountable. Demonizing, name-calling and belittling stir up anger that distracts from the problems we need to fix, locking us in opposition and divorcing us from one another as Americans.

At its worst, contempt leads to violence.

Contempt will start a fight that distracts us from the facts, and that serves the cause of people who don’t want to be held accountable. And before one says, “But wait! The other side doesn’t deserve our niceties and politeness,” let me remind readers that treating people with dignity doesn’t mean admiring them. It’s not saying that every viewpoint is valid. It’s simply saying that treating people with dignity encourages their best and discourages their worst.

And it’s not only true in politics. Research shows that contempt ruins marriages and relationships. It can turn toxic otherwise-healthy workplace cultures. Indignities cut to our core and, some research suggests, can sometimes feel as painful as actual physical harm.

If people demand it, dignity could play a winning role in politics and policymaking. Imagine a world where treating each other with dignity is a mark of patriotism, a measure of our national well-being and an indicator of future potential.

Contempt might be able to score points in the short term, but it ensures that we all lose eventually. To avoid that end, I’m challenging myself to engage in a new kind of patriotism, one that seeks above all to ease divisions and solve problems. I heard this more hopeful kind of rhetoric in Pritzker’s speech, too. He called for an end to the “climate of retribution.” And it’s that part of his argument that I’d like to hold up as the best example of how we can all move forward together.

“There are plenty of people in this country who hold opinions that I find abhorrent,” Pritzker said. “But my faith, and our Constitution, dictate that I fight for their freedoms just as loudly as I defend my own.”

Agreed, Gov. Pritzker. That’s how to save a house on fire.

Timothy Shriver is a co-creator of the Dignity Index, a tool designed to ease divisions, prevent violence and solve problems. He is also chairman of the Special Olympics. He wrote this column for the Chicago Tribune.

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