Old newspaper boxes are being used to distribute the overdose reversal drug Narcan

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By LEAH WILLINGHAM

CHARLESTON, W.Va. (AP) — For decades, Jeff Card’s family company was known for manufacturing the once ubiquitous tin boxes where people could buy newspapers on the street.

Today, reach into one of his containers and you may find something entirely different and free of charge: Naloxone, the opioid overdose reversal drug.

Naloxone distribution containers have been proliferating across the country in the more than a year since the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved its sale without a prescription. Naloxone, a nasal spray most commonly known as Narcan, is used as an emergency treatment to reverse drug overdoses.

Tasha Withrow, a person in recovery and co-founder of harm reduction organization Project Mayday, refills a new naloxone distribution box in a residental neighborhood of Hurricane, W.Va. on Tuesday, Sept. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Leah Willingham)

Such boxes — appearing in neighborhoods, in front of hospitals, health departments and convenience stores — are one way those supporting people with substance use disorder have sought to make Narcan, which can cost around $50 over the counter, accessible to those who need it most. Not unlike little free libraries that distribute books to anyone who wants one, the metal boxes used formerly as newspaper receptacles aren’t locked and don’t require payment. People can take as much as they think they need.

Advocates say the containers help normalize the medication — and are evidence of steadily reducing stigma around its use.

Sixty Narcan receptacles were distributed across 35 states in honor of Thursday’s “Save a Life Day” — a naloxone distribution and education event started by a West Virginia nonprofit in 2020. Containers were purchased from Card’s Texas-based Mechanism Exchange & Repair, which still serves newspaper customers but has expanded to manufacturing other products amid the newspaper industry’s decline.

“It’s fortunate and unfortunate,” said Card, who started making the Narcan containers over two years ago. “Fortunate for us that we’ve got something to build, but unfortunate that this is what we have to build, given how bad the drug problem is in America.”

A new naloxone distribution box sits in a residential neighborhood in Hurricane, W.Va. on Tuesday, Sept. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Leah Willingham)

Opioid deaths were already at record levels before the coronavirus pandemic, but they skyrocketed when it hit in early 2020. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimated there were about 85,000 opioid-related deaths in the 12 months that ended in April 2023. But since then, they fell. The CDC estimate for the 12 months that ended in April 2024 was 75,000 — still higher than any point before the pandemic.

The reasons for the decline are not fully understood. But it does coincide with Narcan, a medication that’s been hard to get in some communities, becoming available over the counter, as well as with the ramping up of spending of funds from legal settlements between governments and drugmakers, wholesalers and pharmacies.

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved use of Narcan to treat overdoses back in 1971, but its use was confined to paramedics and hospitals for decades. Narcan nasal spray was first approved by the FDA in 2015 as a prescription drug, and in March, it was approved for over-the-counter sales and started being available last September at major pharmacies.

“That took the barriers away. And that’s when we realized, ‘OK, now we need to increase access. How can we get naloxone into the communities?’” said Caroline Wilson, a West Virginia social worker and person in recovery who coordinated this year’s Save a Life Day.

Tasha Withrow, a person in recovery and co-founder of harm reduction organization Project Mayday, refills a new naloxone distribution box in a residental neighborhood of Hurricane, W.Va. on Tuesday, Sept. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Leah Willingham)

Last year, all 13 states in Appalachia participated in the day spearheaded by West Virginia nonprofit Solutions Oriented Addiction Response. Community organizations in hundreds of counties table in parking lots, outside churches and clinics handing out Narcan and fentanyl test strips and training people on how to use it. They also work to educate the public on myths surrounding the medication, including that it’s unsafe to have in easily accessible places. Narcan has no effect on people who use it without opioids in their system.

This year, with the effort expanding to 35 states and a theme of “naloxone everywhere”, the group sent out 2,000 emergency kits containing one Narcan dose to be placed in locations like convenience store bathrooms or parks. The 60 tin newspaper boxes — which sell for around $350 apiece — were purchased with grants.

Aonya Kendrick Barnett’s harm reduction coalition Safe Streets Wichita installed one of the Kansas’ first Narcan receptacles — which she refers to as “nalox-boxes” — in February. The boxes, now sold by a few different companies, can look different, too. Some look like newspaper boxes, while others look like vending machines.

Since installing a vending machine Narcan container — which just requires a zip code be entered on the keypad to access the medication — it’s distributed around 2,600 packages a month.

“To say, ‘Hey, we have a 24-hour vending machine, come over here and come get what you need — no judgment,’ is so bold in this Bible belt state and it’s helping me break down the the stigma,” she said.

Tasha Withrow, a person in recovery and co-founder of harm reduction organization Project Mayday, refills a new naloxone distribution box in a residential neighborhood of Hurricane, W.Va. on Tuesday, Sept. 24, 2024. (AP Photo/Leah Willingham)

Kendrick Barnett said there’s no place for judgment when it comes to what she calls live-saving health care: “People are going to use drugs. It’s not our job to condemn or condone it. It’s our job to make sure that they have the necessary health care that they need to survive.”

The Save a Life Day box her organization received is going to go in front of their new clinic, scheduled to open in October.

In Eerie, Pennsylvania, 74-year-old stained glass artist Larry Tuite said he grew concerned seeing overdoses increasing in his city. He began leaving Narcan packages on the windowsills of 24-hour markets in town that sell products like pipes and rolling papers. He was shocked at how quickly they disappeared.

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“As many as I give out, I run through them really quickly,” said Tuite, who keeps cases of the drugs stacked along the walls of his studio apartment.

The Save a Life Day container, which he got permission to put outside one such store, has helped him to disperse even more Narcan. At least a dozen people have been saved by the medication he’s distributed, he said.

Tasha Withrow, a person in recovery who runs a harm reduction coalition based out of Putnam County, West Virginia, said Narcan wasn’t something she ever had access to when she was using opioids.

“People can just reach in and grab what they need — we didn’t have that back then,” she said, while stocking a container in a residential neighborhood earlier this week. “To actually see that there is some access now — I’m glad that we’ve at least moved forward a little bit in that direction.”

AP journalist Geoff Mulvihill contributed to this report.

Hoda Kotb is leaving NBC’s ‘Today’ show early next year

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By MARK KENNEDY

NEW YORK (AP) — Hoda Kotb, a fixture at NBC for more than two decades, says she will leave her morning perch on the “Today” show early next year, telling staffers “it’s time.”

In a memo to her team — and later in an emotional on-air reveal Thursday — Kotb said her 60th birthday this summer helped trigger the departure: “I saw it all so clearly: my broadcast career has been beyond meaningful, a new decade of my life lies ahead, and now my daughters and my mom need and deserve a bigger slice of my time pie.”

Kotb has co-anchored “Today” with Savannah Guthrie since 2018, filling in after Matt Lauer was fired amid sexual harassment allegations. She continued to co-host of the fourth hour of the morning show with Jenna Bush Hager, having previously hosted it alongside Kathie Lee Gifford. Kotb first joined NBC News as a correspondent for “Dateline” in 1998, and later joined “Today” in 2007.

Her daughters are Haley, 7, and Hope, 5.

Kotb was surrounded by her co-workers when she told viewers of her decision, saying, “This is the hardest thing in the world” and “I’ve been practicing so I wouldn’t cry, but anyway, I did.”

“We love you so much,” Guthrie, who has co-anchored “Today” with Kotb for more than five years, said with tears in her eyes. “And when you look around and see these tears, they’re love. You are so loved. We don’t want to imagine this place without you.”

Kotb’s goodbye note mentioned many of her co-workers, like Al Roker: “Savannah: my rock. Jenna: my ride-or-die. Al: my longest friend at 30 Rock.”

“Happily and gratefully, I plan to remain a part of the NBC family, the longest work relationship I’ve been lucky enough to hold close to my heart. I’ll be around. How could I not? Family is family and you all will always be a part of mine,” she wrote.

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‘This Weird, Messy State We All Love in Spite of Ourselves’

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Abby Rapoport has the rare distinction of having served as a Texas Observer staff writer, publisher, and board chair. Perhaps equally rare, she can claim a first appearance in the Observer’s pages at the tender age of “2 years and 9 months.” 

In September 1987, Bernard Rapoport—Abby’s grandfather and a man once described by Molly Ivins as “the only Jewish, socialist insurance millionaire in Waco”—penned a short essay about taking his granddaughters to an “animal safari” in which he lamented the high cost of admission and the pernicious effects of poverty in America. The piece was ostensibly an advertisement for Bernard’s insurance company, though he often used the space to share essays by himself or others. He was long “the Observer’s principal advertiser and financial mainstay,” as founding editor Ronnie Dugger wrote in 1996, and by all accounts the publication would have died long ago without his support and that of his wife, Audre. After the Observer became a nonprofit in the ’90s, Bernard served on the board until his death in 2012, and the family has continued its financial support.

Abby—today the publisher of Stranger’s Guide, an award-winning travel magazine—was raised in Virginia, but she chose to go into the field of Texas muckraking journalism herself. After editing her college newspaper, she did stints at Texas Monthly and the newly founded Texas Tribune before coming to the Observer, where she covered education and politics from 2010 to 2012. Her father, Ronald, also served on the Observer’s board (for a brief time, three Rapoports appeared on the masthead). In 2016, Abby returned as a board member and soon, in a moment of organizational and financial peril for the publication, stepped in to steer the ship as acting publisher. The Observer spoke with her about family history, rural reporting in the blog era, and hope.

Abby Rapoport (right) with former Observer editor and Agriculture Commissioner Jim Hightower in 2011 (Courtesy/Abby Rapoport)

TO: You first appeared in one of our issues before you were forming memories. Do you have a first memory of the Observer?

Well, I remember Molly [Ivins] from a pretty young age, because I would spend a few weeks a year with my grandparents in Waco. And they wouldn’t adjust their lives for it. They were a weird blend of completely besotted with me but also we just went with their schedules. So most nights there was a political dinner or a meeting. So I remember we would go to Austin a lot, when my grandfather was chairman of the board of regents of [the University of Texas], and we would see Molly and [former Observer editor] Lou Dubose. Those memories are really strong.

Did Molly’s personality come across to a kid your age?

Oh, Jesus. Yeah. I mean, she was larger than life. She was this crazy storyteller, she swore a lot, which my grandparents didn’t swear. And it was a funny thing because we’d see political figures a lot. We’d see labor figures. We’d see business figures. But Molly was from this sort of messy, wild journalism world which my grandparents didn’t really fit.

Your grandfather lived to see Texas pass into total Republican control. Do you get the sense he kept hope about Texas politics?

He was like the world’s most optimistic person. He always saw possibility, and I think a lot of that had to do with his own experiences, and, even though Democrats were in power, the causes he most cared about were always uphill battles. And, you know, there were always these tremendous points of pride for him like the University of Texas. That it was public and great, and the feeling he had that there was a path forward for a kid like him, immigrant parents and poor and didn’t come from an English-speaking home. His parents spoke Yiddish and Spanish [he was raised in San Antonio] and Russian. He was a tremendous believer in education being accessible to anyone, and that it was a place where you could have radical beliefs and different kinds of thinkers. And I think watching this sort of assault on higher ed [by Republicans today] would have been particularly painful for him.

How did you decide to go into practicing journalism yourself?

I always liked journalism, in part because I was raised in a pretty Southern home where there was an emphasis on politeness, and I felt like journalism was where you got to ask nosy questions, and I liked that.

Then I ended up, in college in Iowa, co-editor-in-chief [of the Scarlet & Black Grinnell College student paper] in 2008. And it was like the first internet journalism election where suddenly news was breaking on the internet before it was getting in the paper. And we had this little college newspaper website and we could actually write stuff that people read. And I just loved it. I loved the rush.

A couple years later, you found your way to the Observer as a writer. What was your time here like?

It was crazy. But it was fun. It was an exciting time because it was the first big transition of the Observer away from being sort of a newsprint, newspaper magazine. It was moving to monthly. And online we each had our own blog with our name on it. So the Observer was sort of experimenting with multimedia, new formats, and new ways of telling stories. 

Also there was too much work and not enough people, so the expectations were crazy. But I was with people who were amazing, Forrest [Wilder], Dave [Mann], and Melissa [del Bosque] were all such pros. It was quite intimidating, but I was allowed to, like, just leave [on reporting trips], and what I discovered was that if you showed up in rural Texas, even if you were coming from a liberal magazine, just showing up there meant a lot to people. And then the [legislative] session was amazing. But it was also ridiculous.

So you went through that whirlwind, then to The American Prospect as a writer, then you came back to join the board and later be acting publisher. What motivated you to help the Observer in these other ways?

I’d become increasingly interested in the business side of journalism. And then, [my daughter] Bina had just turned one when I joined the board, and my grandmother [Audre] had just died, so I think there was something really meaningful about going back to this place that held this promise and hope that certainly my grandparents had and, I’m being all mushy, but it was a weird time. The rise of Trump. I found out I was pregnant with [my younger daughter] Tova like two days before the 2016 election. 

It felt natural to join the board. It felt a little more scary to come in as acting publisher, but, I mean, I tried to hire people and we were not successful. It was a pretty scary time at the Observer, so I didn’t have a good vision for what would happen if I said no. And it felt so important.

Bernard and Audre Rapoport at B’s 90th birthday party in 2007 (Alan Pogue)

The Observer made it through that time, and a couple years later you started Stranger’s Guide. It’s a fairly different kind of publication. What led you to it?

I’ve always tried to do things I’m interested in and learn new things. But also, I really think place is such a critical piece of storytelling. Place provides the contours and the constraints of every story. When the Observer‘s at its best, Texas is almost this character in it. It’s like, what is this weird, messy state we all love in spite of ourselves, right? And we want it to be better because we see its possibility. And I felt that perspective was sort of missing, particularly internationally. It’s so important for there to be space for people to tell their own stories and define these complicated places. So in some ways, it’s really different, and in some ways it’s very related.

Things look pretty bleak right now for this weird, messy state. We’re still here at the Observer plugging away at this idea that investigative journalism, and stories that kind of bind together the progressive community in Texas, will play some part in some change at some point. Basically, do you still see a path forward?

Going back to the earlier part of the conversation, I was raised in this family whose story is pretty improbable. This Russian-Jewish communist who winds up in San Antonio, it’s a very weird thing. I think you just gotta keep moving forward and see possibility—and stories are critical to imagination, and to have a different future you have to imagine it. 

The thing that’s always been special about Texas, I think, is that there has been this strong sense of community, even though people are from very different places with different perspectives. It means something to be Texan, regardless of what part of the state you’re from. And I think the great hope of a place like the Observer is, can we question our myths, can we rewrite and challenge ourselves, but also maintain that sense of possibility and of us being bound together? And, you know, this is where I’ve kind of put my chips. So I’m hoping that’s true.

This interview, which is part of the Observer’s 70th anniversary coverage, has been edited for length and clarity. Support for our 70th anniversary interview series has been provided by KOOP Radio in Austin, which permitted its studios to be used for recordings.

FBI seizes NYC mayor’s phone ahead of the expected unsealing of an indictment

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By JAKE OFFENHARTZ

NEW YORK (AP) — FBI agents entered the official residence of New York City Mayor Eric Adams and seized his phone early Thursday morning, hours before an indictment detailing criminal charges against the Democrat was expected to be made public.

Adams was indicted by a grand jury on federal criminal charges that remain sealed, according to two people familiar with the matter who spoke with The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter publicly.

“Federal agents appeared this morning at Gracie Mansion in an effort to create a spectacle (again) and take Mayor Adams phone (again),” Adams’ lawyer, Alex Spiro, said in a statement, adding that the mayor had not been arrested. “They send a dozen agents to pick up a phone when we would have happily turned it in.”

Federal law enforcement agents were seen entering the mayor’s Manhattan residence at dawn on Thursday, with several vehicles bearing federal law enforcement placards parked outside.

The U.S. attorney’s office in Manhattan has declined to comment on the investigation, though it was planning to discuss the case at an 11:30 a.m. news conference. An FBI spokesperson declined to comment. A spokesperson for the mayor did not immediately respond to questions Thursday morning.

In a video speech released Wednesday night, Adams vowed to fights any charges against him, claiming he had been made a “target” in a case “based on lies.”

“I will fight these injustices with every ounce of my strength and my spirit,” he said.

It was not immediately clear what laws Adams is accused of breaking or when he might have to appear in court.

Gov. Kathy Hochul has the power to remove Adams from office. Her spokesperson, Avi Small, issued a statement late Wednesday that said “Governor Hochul is aware of these concerning news reports and is monitoring the situation. It would be premature to comment further until the matter is confirmed by law enforcement.”

The indictment caps off an extraordinary few weeks in New York City, as federal investigators have honed in on members of Adams’ inner circle, producing a drum-beat of raids, subpoenas and high-level resignations.

Federal prosecutors are believed to be leading multiple, separate inquiries involving Adams and his senior aides, relatives of those aides, campaign fundraising and possible influence peddling of the police and fire departments.

In the last two weeks alone, the city’s police commissioner and head of the school’s system have announced their resignations.

FBI agents had seized Adams’ electronic devices nearly a year ago as part of an investigation focused, at least partly, on campaign contributions and Adams’ interactions with the Turkish government. Because the charges were sealed, it was unknown whether they dealt with those same matters.

In early September, federal investigators seized devices from his police commissioner, schools chancellor, two deputy mayors and other trusted confidants both in and out of City Hall.

All have denied wrongdoing.