Conservative Christians were skeptical of mail-in ballots. Now they are gathering them in churches

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By DEEPA BHARATH Associated Press

MENIFEE, California (AP) — With Election Day just a few weeks away, longtime church members Lucky Hartunian and Janie Booth sat outside the Revival Christian Fellowship’s sanctuary in Menifee, California, inviting congregants to register to vote.

The women urged those streaming into the evangelical church’s Saturday morning civic engagement event to “make their voices heard as Christians.” After mail-in ballots go out statewide, Booth and Hartunian will be among church volunteers collecting completed, sealed ballots and dropping them off at the county office the next day.

It’s a practice known as ballot gathering – or ballot harvesting — that’s been a source of national controversy over the years.

Booth said her task is a big responsibility, but she’s not nervous.

“A lot of people don’t trust the mail,” she said. “So I feel honored and privileged to do this. I’m doing this for my kids and grandkids.”

Dramatic Change of Course

Conservative voters who have been skeptical of mail voting and ballot gathering – a strategy often used by Democrats – are now warming up to it. Evangelical Christians, in particular, are embracing it this year.

Leading conservative figures Charlie Kirk and Republican National Committee co-chair Lara Trump have called on Christians and conservatives to collect ballots. Megachurches like Calvary Chapel Chino Hills in Southern California are leading the charge, urging – even training – congregations to collect ballots. They praise it as a valuable tool to raise voter turnout and elect candidates who align with their views on issues such as abortion, transgender rights and immigration.

Robert Tyler, a California-based attorney who represents conservative churches and pastors, said he still believes “ballot harvesting and universal vote by mail creates opportunities for fraud.”

“But the rules of the game have changed,” he said. “Until the law changes, we have to get out and gather ballots like they are doing.”

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To be clear, there has been no evidence of widespread fraud in any state related to mail voting. Some isolated cases of potential fraud involving ballot collections have been caught and prosecuted.

Tyler’s comments reflect a dramatic change of course for conservatives, some of whom amplified rumors about mail ballots to explain Donald Trump’s 2020 loss. Republican leaders see it as necessary if they are to be competitive in an election this year that is likely to decided by thin margins in a few swing states.

Trump has long criticized this voting method as rife with fraud — an unfounded assertion. Now he and other top GOP officials are encouraging voters to cast their ballots by mail. The party has launched an effort to “correct the narrative” on mail voting to coax those who were turned off to it by Trump to reconsider for this year’s election.

The practice of ballot gathering – where individuals chosen by voters return mail-in ballots on their behalf – is legal in 35 states, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. Rules vary, but in California, where there is no limit on how many ballots a single person can collect, a collector cannot be compensated and must turn in the ballot in person or by mail within three days of receiving it, or before polls close on Election Day.

Training churches to gather ballots

Gina Gleason, executive director of California-based Real Impact, a ministry of Calvary Chapel Chino Hills, said she saw how Southern California Democrats used this strategy to get their congressional candidate elected by a narrow margin in 2018. In 2020, her church began collecting ballots every Sunday in the weeks before Election Day.

“Voters handed their signed and sealed ballots to us,” she said. “We placed them in lock boxes and personally turned them over to the county offices where they needed to go.”

The initiative was somewhat successful in 2020, when the church collected about 6,000 ballots. In 2022, that number rose to well over 13,000, Gleason said, adding that while most ballots were from church members and their families, some were from members of other churches who drove to Chino Hills to submit their ballots.

“This is the kind of impact we’re looking for that can flip school boards and make a difference in our communities by changing laws we don’t want to live under,” she said, citing a law signed by Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom to prevent schools from outing transgender and gay students to their parents. “We don’t want the government telling us what we can or cannot do when it comes to the health and safety of our children.”

When she trains church volunteers, Gleason includes key instructions, like making sure the outside envelope is filled out correctly and ballots are returned to the appropriate registrar’s office. Her church collects ballots from residents of Orange, Los Angeles, Riverside and San Bernardino counties in Southern California.

“And of course, no one should be electioneering or telling people whom or what to vote for,” she said.

Over the summer, Gleason trained more than 120 people from various churches who are now ready to collect ballots, including the one in Menifee. She and Pastor Jack Hibbs, who leads her church, have been traveling the state on their “Comeback California Tour” with the goal of “getting Christians energized and engaged.”

Conservative groups hope these initiatives will proliferate in other states. Timothy Head, executive director of the Faith & Freedom Coalition, a conservative political advocacy nonprofit, said ballot gathering is gaining traction among once reluctant churches in competitive states such as Nevada and Virginia. He calls it the “crawl, walk, run effect.”

“We expect it to significantly increase this time. … Every vote counts and every effort to maximize votes counts.”

Plus, churches are natural choices, he said.

“Congregations gather at least once or twice a week. As long as they are not explicitly partisan, it is a great place where voters can get civically engaged.”

Hibbs spoke forcefully during the church event in Menifee, urging Christians to take a stand.

“That doesn’t mean I want a Christian nation,” he said. “I just want our country to be a place where a devout believer and an atheist have the same rights.”

He ended his discourse by telling his audience that Trump may have gotten a “little wiggly and wobbly on abortion,” and told them to “forget (Trump’s) rhetoric and shenanigans, the crazy and off-color talk.”

“Fewer children will die under Donald Trump than under Kamala Harris,” he said, referring to abortions. “So that’s how I’ll be voting.”

The audience burst into applause. One man yelled out: “Yeah, Trump.”

The issue of trust

Richard Hasen, who leads the Safeguarding Democracy Project at the University of California Los Angeles School of Law, said he is not aware of credible allegations of fraud involving ballot gathering. He would still prefer that states set limits on the number of ballots that can be collected.

“It’s low-risk, but not no-risk, and the fact we haven’t seen major problems is a good sign,” he said. “Still, any time people get together to vote, you want to make sure they are making free and fair choices – whether that place is a church, nursing home or union hall.”

Former Orange County Registrar Neal Kelley believes ballot gathering can help increase voting, but has not made a big dent on elections so far. He also is not too worried about ballot tampering, which is one concern critics have raised in the past regarding this practice.

“The general public doesn’t understand all the ways we have to determine that ballots have been tampered with,” he said. “We can tell when envelopes have been opened and resealed. If votes are being changed, we’ll see a pattern.”

Ada Briceno, chairperson of the Orange County Democratic Party, said ballot gathering allows more people to vote, especially in communities of color where people are working two or three jobs or may struggle with language issues.

“We want more people to have their voices heard, and this is just one more tool,” she said. “Republicans were the ones who were all upset about turning in mail-in ballots. And now they’re doing it. It’s just hypocritical.”

The Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, president of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference who has advised Trump, said he sees nothing wrong with churches gathering ballots.

“If other community groups are doing it, why not churches?” he said. “I have no doubt that churches will make sure everything is done legally and correctly because they have a higher level of accountability and that moral compass of integrity — more so than any community group.”

Progressive groups have also trusted churches to get the vote out, said Juan Sepulveda, political science professor at Trinity University in San Antonio. Among the groups that pioneered such initiatives was the Industrial Areas Foundation, a national interfaith network established in 1940 by a community organizer, a Catholic bishop and the Chicago Sun-Times’ founder.

“With the church, you have those natural bonds of trust,” Sepulveda said. “You didn’t have to create trust. It was already there.”

Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.

John Shipley: For Twins fans, final kick in the teeth came from ownership

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The Twins sped out of the 2024 season like a luger on greased ice, rapidly and without agency. They lost 27 of their last 38 games, and for those who doom-scrolled the collapse, it was a wonder they won 11.

On Sunday, it ended with a crash appropriate to the pace with which the Twins plummeted from the postseason race, and the grandson of the former owner telling reporters — and, hence, fans — that it’s just business.

Joe Pohlad, the ownership family’s official Twins czar as its Executive Chair, met with reporters before Sunday’s 6-2 loss to the Baltimore Orioles at Target Field and didn’t do a great job of convincing the team’s emotional stake-holders that the Pohlad Family has their best interests in mind.

Twins fans aren’t stupid. No one was more aware that their team won the American League Central and three playoff games in 2023, their first postseason victories since 2004, and that rather than invest in the momentum, ownership cut payroll by about $30 million.

“We were headed down a great direction. and I had to make a very difficult business decision,” Pohlad said. “But that’s just the reality of my work. I have a business to run, and it comes with tough decisions, and that’s what I had to do. I wouldn’t make any other decision.”

Cue record scratch, or for the visually inclined, a gif of the H-bomb landing on Bikini Atoll. He might as well have added, “You just don’t get it.” It was what Twins fans didn’t want to hear, especially from the scion of a billionaire family who inherited his position as the team’s ultimate decision-maker.

The Twins were in serious playoff contention through late August, yet the team was one of nine to draw fewer than 2 million fans in 81 home games this season. If cutting that payroll was a tough business decision, maybe it was a bad one, too.

Certainly Pohlad spoke as if he’s the one pulling the levers. Of his time spent watching the last month and a half of the season, he said, “it feels like I’m watching a trainwreck.” Later, while explaining why president of baseball operations Derek Falvey and manager Rocco Baldelli will be back next season — side note: they should be — Pohlad said, “I don’t judge employees off of six crummy weeks.”

Uh, thanks?

Making Pohlad available to the team’s beat writers was the right thing to do, and it’s worth noting that ownership has been admirably conspicuous about backing issues affecting its fan base — most notably Black Lives Matter and LGBTQ+ initiatives. That doesn’t go unnoticed. It’s also worth noting that team payroll isn’t everything. AL Central champion Cleveland spent less than the Twins this season, as did the Tigers and Royals, who overtook the Twins for wild-card spots. So did NL Central champion Milwaukee.

But here’s the rub. People don’t understand billionaires, even relatively wealthy people. They’ll never see that kind of money, let alone decide how to spend it. The 99 percent is living paycheck to paycheck trying to buy groceries, make a car payment and stay up to date on rent or, if they’re lucky, the mortgage.

People who have worked for what they have without a net, people who understand how close they sometimes are to financial ruin, see those with a billion or more dollars and say, “Well, here’s what I would do!” And it’s usually not run a baseball team like a business. Maybe that’s because we’re unwashed dummies; maybe it’s because we understand there are more important things than money.

There’s little doubt that major league owners believe in their hearts that business is business and there is a plan and a ledger and projections and it all has to work out financially. The problem, of course, is that America’s pastime is business for only about 30 Americans, and there are 333 million Americans.

For fans of Major League Baseball’s 30 teams, it’s a personal bond expressed in attendance, bumper stickers and authentic team jerseys currently selling for between $150 and $350 online. Many of them also paid for a substantial chunk of Target Field. They don’t want to hear that ownership was able to keep the tote board at $1,000,000,000.

Certainly, the Twins’ collapse was more spectacular than it had to be. Yes, they were starting three rookies in the rotation, and missing injured stars Carlos Correa and Byron Buxton for large swaths of that stretch, but it was a disgraceful run that ended with losses in seven of their last eight games, during which they were outscored 41-16.

Yet the ultimate kick in the shins came before the last loss, when Twins fans were reminded that the object of their affection is just business for billionaires. Luxury tax aside, there was nothing stopping Twins ownership from spending more. Not doing so was a bad look in April, and with October on the doorstep, it looks even worse.

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Kamala Harris turns Biden’s $493 billion climate legacy into a footnote

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Jennifer A Dlouhy, Ari Natter | (TNS) Bloomberg News

Wind turbines nearly as tall as the Eiffel Tower are rising off the Massachusetts coast. A $2 billion electric truck factory is taking shape in South Carolina. And in Colorado, a three-square-mile field of ink-black solar panels is powering a steel mill.

The U.S. is mobilizing so much investment into clean energy that it now tops even the peak of America’s fracking revolution in the 2010s. The wave of spending triggered by Joe Biden’s signature climate law is set to be the president’s biggest and most-enduring domestic achievement — yet it barely registers in Kamala Harris’ campaign.

From stump speeches to the Democratic convention and her debate with Donald Trump, Harris has largely shied away from touting the success of Biden’s green initiatives, despite the staggering size of the private investments the policies have sparked.

Her motives are clear. Fighting climate change may win voters in her home state of California. But the topic is far more divisive in natural-gas rich Pennsylvania and other states pivotal to the election. The implications go well beyond the campaign.

Harris’ reluctance to make green initiatives a central platform underscores how fighting climate change still fails to resonate with many U.S. voters, even when those efforts stimulate the economy and create thousands of jobs. That will make it difficult to marshal broad support needed from U.S. lawmakers to take another legislative leap forward. Ultimately, the lack of political will risks leaving the nation, the world’s second-biggest source of carbon dioxide emissions, dangerously short of its net-zero goals.

“It’s not clear how much appetite the public has for more climate policy this soon,” said Kevin Book, managing director of the Washington consultancy ClearView Energy Partners LLC. “On the airwaves and in the campaign messaging, energy has become an us-or-them kind of thing. And climate policy has become even more polarizing.”

Just 3% of registered voters in seven battleground states say climate change is the most important issue for them this November, according to a Bloomberg News/Morning Consult poll taken in late August. Only 39% say climate is “very important.”

In the midst of the election, it could be easy to miss that the U.S. is actually on the cusp of dramatic change.

“We’ve created more than 330,000 clean-energy jobs,” Biden said during an address at the Bloomberg Global Business Forum in New York on Tuesday.

The president’s policies, including his signature climate law, have helped drive about $493 billion of new investment into the manufacturing and widespread deployment of solar panels, electric vehicles and other emission-cutting technology since mid-2022, according to data analyzed by the Massachusetts Institute for Technology and the energy and climate research firm Rhodium Group. Over the last 12 months alone, the measure has helped spur about $285 billion of new investment, which largely went to Republican-leaning areas. That eclipsed the $252 billion that energy companies invested in shale development at the peak of the fracking boom in 2014, according to a tally by JPMorgan Chase & Co.

Yet when Harris mentioned Biden’s 2022 climate law during the debate, she gave its benefits only a passing mention before highlighting how domestic gas production also climbed on her watch.

When asked about downplaying progress on climate, a spokesman for the Harris campaign responded with a statement that didn’t mention climate or clean energy. Rather, it cited how the climate law — a broad measure named the Inflation Reduction Act that was also designed to lower the U.S. deficit and address other issues — has spurred employment and lowered drug costs.

“Vice President Harris is running on a platform to reduce the cost of living and build an economy of the future that creates opportunities for all Americans,” the spokesman, James Singer, said in the statement. “The investments in the Inflation Reduction Act are helping spur innovation and jobs across the country and saving seniors thousands of dollars on their prescription drugs costs.”

Harris’ approach likely reflects lessons learned from her early days as vice president, when Biden’s moves to make good on his own campaign pledges to discourage fossil fuel development collided with Republican efforts to blame him for high gasoline prices. She has already seen what “public backlash against a green agenda could look like,” Book said.

Trump has seized on Harris’ commitment to ban fracking during her short-lived 2019 bid for the Democratic presidential nomination. She has since renounced that position, but Trump nonetheless continues to say Harris would try to outlaw the practice, which is key to Pennsylvania’s economy.

Away from the campaign trail, the speed of the U.S. energy transition has grown striking. By 2027, one in every four cars sold in the U.S. will be electric, up from just one in 10 last year, BloombergNEF forecasts. And in 2028, nuclear and renewable power will overtake U.S. electricity generation from fossil fuels, BNEF projects.

Scott Keogh, chief executive officer of Volkswagen AG’s U.S.-based Scout Motors subsidiary, compared the opportunities opened by the Biden climate law to a “gold rush” shortly after the company announced a $2 billion electric truck production facility in South Carolina.

Keogh is counting on a surge in demand stoked by tax credits worth up to $7,500 for the purchase of U.S.-made EVs. The facility, set to open in 2026, will be able to produce 200,000 vehicles a year.

Tax breaks also have revved up manufacturing of more obscure — but vital — components for cleaner cars and power generation. A CelLink Corp. factory in central Texas expanded production of harnesses that bundle thousands of wires inside EVs and leave room for bigger batteries. Germany-based EEW Group opened a New Jersey factory that’s making massive, steel cylinders that can be driven nearly 300 feet below the seabed to anchor offshore wind turbines.

If elected, Harris is expected to largely maintain Biden’s course when it comes to fighting climate change, including following through on plans to impose more limits on emissions from factories and power plants.

She hasn’t completely avoided touting the IRA.

Her campaign issued a fact sheet arguing it has helped cut energy bills and revive U.S. manufacturing. She posted about the law on X Monday, calling it the “largest-ever investment in climate action.” And she mentioned it during the debate. Yet even then, she brought the law up in the context of how it offered new territory for drilling, a compromise designed to secure support for it to pass the Senate.

“I was the tie-breaking vote on the Inflation Reduction Act, which opened new leases for fracking,” she said.

Much of Biden’s climate legacy could even withstand a victory for Trump, who has vowed to divert spending away from what he derides as the president’s “green new scam.”

U.S. President Joe Biden delivers remarks during a climate event at the White House complex Nov. 14, 2023, in Washington, D.C. Biden spoke on his administration’s efforts to address the global climate crisis and the Fifth National Climate Assessment. (Win McNamee/Getty Images/TNS)

Businesses in many cases are locked into clean-energy investments by considerable upfront costs. Car companies, for example, are spending billions retooling assembly lines to produce EVs, said Nick Nigro, founder of researcher Atlas Public Policy.

“The investments that are made are made,” Nigro said. “They have every incentive to see those through.”

It’s still not enough. While Biden has put the U.S. on track to accelerate the rate it’s cutting emissions, the country would still fall short of its Paris Agreement commitment to slash planet-warming pollution at least 50% from 2005 levels by 2030, Rhodium Group said.

Not all of the administration’s climate achievements would be safe under Trump.

The former president has vowed to repeal tougher auto pollution limits that effectively compel EV sales. Trump would also have wide berth to undermine tax credits encouraging consumers to buy EVs.

In some instances, Trump may run into resistance from within his own party if he tries to roll back tax breaks.

By dollar value, nearly 90% of projects announced since the IRA passed are located in Republican-held congressional districts, where labor and land costs tend to be cheaper, according to estimates by the clean energy advocacy group E2. In August, 18 House Republicans released a letter opposing repeal of the climate law’s clean-energy tax breaks.

Environmentalists say the U.S. can’t afford to rest on Biden’s climate laurels.

“The IRA put us on the right track,” said Lena Moffitt, executive director of the Evergreen Action advocacy group. “But we know we’ve got to do more.”

____

—With assistance from Phil Kuntz, Alex Tribou and David Wethe.

___

Who were the 7 high-ranking Hezbollah officials killed over the past week?

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By KAREEM CHEHAYEB and JACK JEFFERY Associated Press

BEIRUT (AP) — In just over a week, intensified Israeli strikes in Lebanon killed seven high-ranking commanders and officials from the powerful Hezbollah militant group, including the group’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah.

The move left Lebanon and much of the Mideast in shock as Israeli officials celebrated major military and intelligence breakthroughs.

Hezbollah had opened a front to support its ally Hamas in the Gaza Strip a day after the Palestinian group’s surprise attack into southern Israel.

The recent strikes in Lebanon and the assassination of Nasrallah are a significant escalation in the war in the Middle East, this time between Israel and Hezbollah.

Lebanon’s most powerful military and political force now finds itself trying to recuperate from severe blows, having lost key members who have been part of Hezbollah since its establishment in the early 1980s.

Chief among them was Nasrallah, who was killed in a series of airstrikes that leveled several buildings in southern Beirut. Others were lesser-known in the outside world, but still key to Hezbollah’s operations.

Hassan Nasrallah

Since 1992, Nasrallah had led the group through several wars with Israel, and oversaw the party’s transformation into a powerful player in Lebanon. Hezbollah entered Lebanon’s political arena while also taking part in regional conflicts that made it the most powerful paramilitary force. After Syria’s uprising in 2011 spiraled into civil war, Hezbollah played a pivotal role in keeping Syrian President Bashar Assad in power. Under Nasrallah, Hezbollah also helped develop the capabilities of fellow Iran-backed armed groups in Iraq and Yemen.

Nasrallah is a divisive figure in Lebanon, with his supporters hailing him for ending Israel’s occupation of southern Lebanon in 2000, and his opponents decrying him for the group’s weapons stockpile and making unilateral decisions that they say serves an agenda for Tehran and allies.

Nabil Kaouk

Kaouk, who was killed in an airstrike Saturday, was the deputy head of Hezbollah’s Central Council. He joined the militant group in its early days in the 1980s. Kaouk also served as Hezbollah’s military commander in south Lebanon from 1995 until 2010. He made several media appearances and gave speeches to supporters, including in funerals for killed Hezbollah militants. He had been seen as a potential successor to Nasrallah.

Ibrahim Akil

Akil was a top commander and led Hezbollah’s elite Radwan Forces, which Israel has been trying to push further away from its border with Lebanon. He was also a member of its highest military body, the Jihad Council, and for years had been on the United States’ wanted list. The U.S. State Department says Akil was part of the group that carried out the 1983 bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Beirut and orchestrated the taking of German and American hostages.

Ahmad Wehbe

Wehbe was a commander of the Radwan Forces and played a crucial role in developing the group since its formation almost two decades ago. He was killed alongside Akil in an airstrike in Beirut’s southern suburbs that struck and leveled a building.

Ali Karaki

Karaki led Hezbollah’s southern front, playing a key role in the ongoing conflict. The U.S. described him as a significant figure in the militant group’s leadership. Little is known about Karaki, who was killed alongside Nasrallah.

Mohammad Surour

Surour was the head of Hezbollah’s drone unit, which was used for the first time in this current conflict with Israel. Under his leadership, Hezbollah launched exploding and reconnaissance drones deep into Israel, penetrating its defense systems which had mostly focused on the group’s rockets and missiles.

Ibrahim Kobeissi

Kobeissi led Hezbollah’s missile unit. The Israeli military says Kobeissi planned the kidnapping and murder of three Israeli soldiers at the northern border in 2000, whose bodies were returned in a prisoner swap with Hezbollah four years later.

Other senior commanders killed in action

Even in the months before the recent escalation of the war with Hezbollah, Israel’s military had targeted top commanders, most notably Fuad Shukur in late July, hours before an explosion in Iran widely blamed on Israel killed the leader of the Palestinian Hamas militant group Ismail Haniyeh. The U.S. accuses Fuad Shukur of orchestrating the 1983 bombing in Beirut that killed 241 American servicemen.

Leaders of key units in the south, Jawad Tawil, Taleb Abdullah, and Mohammad Nasser, who over several decades became instrumental members of Hezbollah’s military activity were all assassinated.

Who is left?

Nasrallah’s second-in-command Naim Kassem is the most senior member of the organization. Kassem has been Hezbollah’s deputy leader since 1991, and is among its founding members. On several occasions, local news networks were quick to assume that an Israeli strike in southern Beirut may have targeted Kassem.

Kassem is the only top official of the militant group who has conducted interviews with local and international media in the ongoing conflict.

The deputy leader appears to be involved in various aspects of the militant group, both in top political and security matters, but also in matters related to Hezbollah’s theocratic and charity initiatives to the Shia Muslim community in Lebanon.

Meanwhile, Hashim Safieddine who heads Hezbollah’s central council, is tipped to be Nasrallah’s successor. Safieddine is a cousin of the late Hezbollah leader, and his son is married to the daughter of Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani, who was slain in a U.S. drone strike in 2020. Like Nasrallah, Safieddine joined Hezbollah early on and similarly wears a black turban.

Talal Hamieh and Abu Ali Reda are the two remaining top commanders from Hezbollah who are alive and apparently on the Israeli military’s crosshairs.

Jeffery reported from Jerusalem.