The St. Thomas men’s hockey team got back to its winning ways Saturday night at Bemidji State, though the Tommies did miss out on a CCHA regular-season title.

One night after being upended by the Beavers, No. 17 ranked St. Thomas claimed a come-from-behind shootout victory after playing the Beavers to a 2-2 draw through three periods and an overtime session.

Nathan Pilling got the game off the ground with a power play goal at 17:14 of the first period to put visiting UST up 1-0 heading into the middle frame.

However, the Beavers struck back for a pair of goals in the second — an even-strength score at 13:27, and a power-play strike at 19:03 — to take a 2-1 edge into the third.

The Tommies returned fire, knotting the score at 2-2 as Caige Sterzer scored the lone goal of the period at 2:35 to send the game into overtime.

After a scoreless extra session, Lucas Wahlin logged the only goal of the shootout round to give the victory to St. Thomas.

Tommies goaltender Carsen Musser, who allowed three goals on 21 shots Friday night, topped his 18-save total from that game before the second intermission on Saturday en route to 28-save performance.

While the shootout win did clinch home-ice advantage for the CCHA’s Mason Cup quarterfinals, St. Thomas missed out on claiming the conference’s regular-season title by a single point. No. 18 Minnesota State leapfrogged into the top spot in the final CCHA standings on the strength of a 3-0 victory against Northern Michigan on Saturday, hopping over No. 14 Augustana (idle), No. 16 Michigan Tech (a 4-3 OT loss to Bowling Green), and the Tommies.

St. Thomas claimed the No. 2 seed for the Mason Cup, finishing near the front of a five-team scrum that saw just two points separating No. 1 and No. 5. The Tommies will face seventh-seeded Lake Superior State in the opening game. Game time is TBD, with the Mason Cup quarterfinal round slated to be played this coming Friday through Sunday.

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In March, the Metropolitan Council will consider a recommendation from Metro Transit to install a new bus rapid transit service to travel along West Seventh Street in St. Paul and south to the Mall of America in Bloomington — the Metro J Line, a kind of spiritual successor to the long-planned and recently aborted Riverview Corridor.

The BRT recommendation was praised Wednesday by St. Paul City Council President Rebecca Noecker and Council Member Saura Jost, who said their political wards have waited for decades for major investment in the West Seventh corridor, which could be fully reconstructed in 2029 if funding comes together and discussions between the city, county, state and Met Council are fruitful.

“I’m just so grateful to everyone who stepped up when that (Riverview Corridor) process ended,” said Jost, as the council voted to approve a resolution supporting the J Line on West Seventh.

Another proposal coming before the seven-county metro’s regional planning agency is the future Metro K Line, which would follow Nicollet Avenue in Minneapolis down to American Boulevard in Bloomington. If approved, both bus routes would roll out between 2030 and 2035.

The two “arterial” BRT services, which would operate in normal traffic rather than separated lanes, were forwarded from among 17 options considered by Metro Transit about a year ago, and in some ways, they’re the tip of the iceberg.

In 2024, Metro Transit set a goal of expanding its transit services by 35% by late 2027. Dubbed “Network Now,” the vision called for 20 new bus routes, additional service on 65 existing routes, and light-rail trains that pull into stations every 10 minutes during workday hours. Funding would come, in part, from a 0.75 cent regional sales tax that took effect across the Twin Cities in October 2023.

How’s progress? Network Now isn’t sleeping. The leading transit provider for the Twin Cities will soon be 40% of the way there following a series of additional bus services scheduled to get rolling on March 14.

Passengers board a Metro Transit bus. (Courtesy of Metro Transit)

Added service

Notably, the Route 94 bus connecting downtown Minneapolis to downtown St. Paul will offer trips every 15 minutes during peak periods, a boon for rush-hour commuters accustomed to departures every 20 to 30 minutes. The new schedule will result in 115 trips per day, up from 100 daily trips.

Added service also is coming to Route 270, which offers morning and late afternoon trips between Maplewood Mall and downtown Minneapolis along Minnesota 36. That bus route will launch a new midday service.

Other changes include expanded service on Route 17, which serves Hopkins, St. Louis Park and Minneapolis, and Route 22, which serves Brooklyn Center and connects to the Blue Line. Come mid-March, schedules and travel times will be adjusted on 23 bus routes to account for road construction.

Looking out a little further, Metro Transit plans to open the Green Line extension from downtown Minneapolis to Eden Prairie in 2027.

Also in the works is the extension of the Metro Gold Line, an all-day bus rapid transit service that currently connects Woodbury to downtown St. Paul. The Gold Line extension would continue to downtown Minneapolis.

Report on high-subsidy routes

Before transit enthusiasts get too excited, it might behoove a review of a recent 10-page report compiled by the Met Council at the request of Minnesota House lawmakers.

The report takes a critical look at high-subsidy regular-route transit service. Historically, most public transit services don’t cover operating costs through fares and their rather limited advertising revenue alone. Some require heavier infusions of tax dollars than others, a finding not lost on lawmakers during a Feb. 18 hearing before the House Transportation Finance and Policy Committee.

A weekday ride on the Green Line light rail, for instance, requires a per-passenger taxpayer subsidy of $4.25. On Sundays, that subsidy climbs to $6.92.

If that sounds high, brace yourself. That’s actually a handsome return on investment, relatively speaking. The recently discontinued Northstar Commuter Rail line required a per-passenger operating subsidy of more than $116.

Bus rapid transit that follows highways from the suburbs to the cities — the Orange and Red lines — require per-passenger subsidies of about $13 to $18 per ride. Urban BRT routes need a relatively modest per-passenger infusion of $6 to $8.80.

Traditional urban bus routes, dubbed “core local bus” routes in the report, rely on per-passenger subsidies that can range anywhere from $8 to $30 per trip. That’s small potatoes compared to most south metro suburban bus services run by the Minnesota Valley Transit Authority, where per-passenger subsidies can climb as high as $200 per passenger ride.

The MVTA, which is overseen by its own board composed of seven member cities, operates independently of Metro Transit and answers directly to the Legislature, albeit with guidance from the Met Council, which distributes some of its state and federal funding, including Motor Vehicle Sales Tax dollars.

A Minnesota Valley Transit Authority bus in downtown St. Paul. (Courtesy of MVTA)

Of MVTA’s 48 suburban bus routes, about 17 to 20 fall in the category of “high subsidy,” with per-passenger subsidies landing at least in the high double-digits — say $50 or more. Six MVTA corridors exceed per-passenger subsidies of $90. MVTA serves seven suburbs, including Apple Valley, Burnsville, Eagan, Rosemount, Savage, Prior Lake and Shakopee.

Those numbers reflect day-to-day operating costs, not the cost of capital construction or new train cars or buses. Eliminating high-subsidy routes could yield some $23 million in annual savings from operating costs alone, but the report notes that would leave some suburban communities stranded. Those savings would likely flow into new or existing services that require less subsidy, reads the report, which makes no specific recommendations for lawmakers.

Still, of 264 routes studied across five transit providers, the report found 28 that would be considered especially high subsidy, and ripe for restructuring or elimination. That includes nine Metro Transit routes, or 4% of Metro Transit lines.

“We work on a quarterly basis to adjust our service to meet demand,” said Charles Carlson, executive director of the Met Council’s Metropolitan Transportation Services, addressing the House committee. “The council’s guidelines are that we should not have high-subsidy routes, and they should be addressed through minor, moderate or major changes.”

Lawmakers appeared eager to revisit that suggestion.

“If 4% of rides are extremely expensive to provide, I think our challenge is how do we remedy that to respect the taxpayers, and still continue to provide good transit service that people actually need, and not highly subsidized routes that people aren’t using?” said committee co-chair Jon Koznick, R-Lakeville, during the hearing.

Staffing, public safety

Meanwhile, Metro Transit, which struggled greatly in recent years with staffing, added 113 new bus and train operators last year through heavy recruitment and signing bonuses, growing its total to 1,500 operators, as well as dozens of new maintenance workers. The hope is that filling out the ranks will lead to fewer canceled trips and increased reliability, a key part of drawing passengers back to a transit system that lost scores of riders during the pandemic.

For many riders, public safety remains a concern. The Transit Rider Investment Program, or TRIP, which launched two years ago, now employs more than 130 civilian agents who ride light-rail and bus rapid transit lines to inspect fares and serve as a second set of eyes to maintain standards. The agents recently began riding the Orange Line, which connects the Burnsville Transit Station to the Fifth Street Station in downtown Minneapolis.

A Metro Transit Police car seen in St. Paul on May 28, 2025. (Mara H. Gottfried / Pioneer Press)

The Metro Transit Police Department employs an additional 35 community service officers, or students who work part time for Metro Transit while earning their law enforcement degrees, which is the most in department history.

An expanded security contract that rolled out late last year brought private security officers to 15 stations, some of which are staffed up to 24 hours per day.

Beat officers return to trouble spots

Have all those public safety efforts actually paid off? It depends how you look at the numbers. Reports of serious crimes such as assault dropped 14% from 2024 to 2025, continuing a two-year trend toward improvement, according to the Metro Transit Police Department.

Meanwhile, documented “proactive calls” for police service increased nearly 32% — which is a good thing, in eyes of Metro Transit officials, who say the measure reflects how often police are addressing unwanted behaviors they observe on the transit system, including nuisance issues like smoking.

Overall, there was a 17% increase in reported crime year over year from 2024 to 2025.

Still, “serious crimes on transit are low and dropping, but any amount of criminal activity is unacceptable, which is why we will continue doing everything we can to be present and to prevent crimes from ever happening in the first place,” said Joe Dotseth, interim chief of the Metro Transit Police Department, in a written statement.

Metro Transit reinstituted a team last year dedicated to trouble spots, including areas such as downtown St. Paul, downtown Minneapolis, University Avenue and the Blue Line’s Franklin Avenue and Cedar-Riverside stations. The hope is that creating a regular beat for officers will help them develop a presence, visibility and contacts in the area.

Metro Transit also roped in social service providers and prosecutors to focus specifically on the Green Line corridor last year.

This spring, the transit authority will contract with a community-based organization to offer resources to transit riders experiencing behavioral health challenges and unsheltered homelessness. The St. Paul Downtown Alliance currently maintains Safety Ambassadors at downtown St. Paul light-rail stations, and Metro Transit is looking into possibly developing a similar partnership in Minneapolis.

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During a cold home opener in St. Paul on Saturday, Minnesota United sent its bundled-up fans home with three points. Amid 20 degrees temperatures, the Loons edged FC Cincinnati 1-0 at Allianz Field.

Kelvin Yeboah scored in the 66th minute. The Loons striker was in the right spot when Tomas Chancalay’s free kick from 19 yards out took a deflection, ricocheted off the post and Yeboah headed it into the net.

Yeboah, who scored in 2-2 season-opening draw at Austin, received a warm applause Saturday when he exited the game in stoppage time.

Minnesota (1-0-1, 4 points) remained unbeaten, while FC Cincinnati (1-1-0, 3 points) took their first defeat.

New Loons coach Cameron Knowles gave a fist pump at the final whistle. It was his first win as a permanent head coach.

Loons captain Michael Boxall was subbed out in the 77th minute after he appeared dazed from receiving contact to the head from Cincinnati forward Tom Barlow. The play did not result in a card from referee Marcus DeOliverira.

James Rodriguez was on the Loons bench for the first time, but the Colombian superstar did not make his MLS debut. Knowles said the game state would determine if Rodriguez would play, but MNUFC was in the lead when likely would have subbed into the match.

Cincinnati controlled the opening 25 minutes of the match with five corner kicks and seven shots to one corner and one shot for Minnesota.

The Loons gained a foothold to close out the half and both teams had eight attempts on goal in the first half. Five of Minnesota’s shots were outside the box in the opening 45 minute, which led to frustration from teammates that weren’t on the ball.

FC Cincinnati played without creative attacking midfielder Evander, who’s hamstring injury led to an early exit the 2-0 win over Atlanta last weekend.

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By LEE KEATH and CARA ANNA

When targeted by nationwide protests early this year, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei unleashed the bloodiest crackdown of his nearly four decades in power. But now a U.S. or Israeli military strike may have ended his rule.

There was no immediate Iranian comment about him Saturday after President Donald Trump said Khamenei was killed in a major new attack by U.S. and Israeli forces. Trump also urged Iranians to topple the theocracy.

The 86-year-old Khamenei had tried to avert such strikes as the U.S. built up its military presence in the region to pressure Tehran over its nuclear program. He warned that if the U.S. struck, a regional war would ensue. At the same time, he allowed Iran to enter negotiations with the U.S. over its nuclear program.

Long before the supreme leader’s compound was among the first targets on Saturday, Khamenei was under growing pressure.

The suppression of the protests, with thousands of people killed amid chants of “Death to Khamenei,” was a sign of the threat that popular anger represented. Years of sanctions, economic mismanagement and corruption have gutted Iran’s economy.

Israeli and U.S. bombardment during last summer’s 12-day war had heavily damaged Iran’s nuclear program, missile systems and military capabilities. Iran’s network of regional proxies, including Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen, has been weakened by Israeli and U.S. attacks since the war in Gaza began, along with Tehran’s influence across the Middle East.

Here’s what to know about Khamenei:

Transforming the Islamic Republic

When he rose to power in 1989, Khamenei had to overcome deep doubts about his authority. A low-level cleric at the time, Khamenei lacked the religious credentials of his predecessor, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of the Islamic Revolution.

But Khamenei has ruled three times longer than the late Khomeini and has shaped Iran perhaps even more dramatically.

He entrenched the system of rule by the mullahs, or Shiite Muslim clerics. Under the Islamic Republic, clerics stand atop the hierarchy, drawing the lines to which the civilian government, the military and the intelligence and security establishment must submit.

In the eyes of hard-liners, Khamenei stands as the unquestionable authority — below only that of God.

At the same time, Khamenei built the paramilitary Revolutionary Guard into the dominant player in military and internal politics. It boasts Iran’s most elite military and oversees its ballistic missile program. Khamenei also gave the Guard a free hand to build a network of businesses and dominate the economy.

In return, the Guard became his loyal shock force.

Domestic challenges

The first major threat to Khamenei’s grip was the reform movement that swept into a parliamentary majority and the presidency soon after he became supreme leader. It advocated for giving greater power to elected officials, which Khamenei’s hard-line supporters feared would lead to dismantling the Islamic Republic system.

Khamenei rallied the clerical establishment, and unelected bodies run by mullahs shut down major reforms and barred reform candidates from elections.

Since then, waves of popular protests have been crushed.

Huge nationwide demonstrations erupted in 2009 over allegations of vote-rigging. Under the weight of sanctions, economic protests broke out in 2017 and 2019. More came in 2022 over the death of Mahsa Amini, who was detained by police for not wearing her mandatory headscarf properly.

Crackdowns against the protesters killed hundreds, and hundreds more were arrested amid reports of detainees tortured to death or raped in prison.

The deadliest crackdown yet

The latest demonstrations touched off in late December in Tehran’s traditional bazaar after the country’s currency, the rial, currency plunged to a record low of 1.42 million to the U.S. dollar. Protests quickly spread across the country.

“Rioters must be put in their place,” Khamenei declared. When hundreds of thousands took to the streets Jan. 8 and 9, security forces fired on crowds, and veterans of past demonstrations said they were stunned by the firepower unleashed.

Activists said they documented more than 7,000 killed and were working to verify more. The government has acknowledged more than 3,000 dead, which is still higher than the toll from past crackdowns.

Nuclear negotiations

By agreeing to nuclear negotiations, Khamenei likely sought to buy time to avert U.S. strikes. But Iran opposed Washington’s main demands that it halt all nuclear enrichment and surrender its uranium stocks.

Trump initially threatened strikes to stop Khamenei and Iran’s other leaders from killing peaceful protesters. He then wielded the threat to push Tehran to engage seriously in nuclear negotiations.

Some in Iran and the large Iranian diaspora expressed hope that the U.S. would use military force to bring down Khamenei. But there were also strong voices even among Khamenei opponents who were against foreign intervention to topple the theocracy.

No successor

Officially a panel of Shiite clerics is tasked with choosing one of their own to succeed Khamenei, and multiple names have been touted among including his son.

Danny Citrinowicz, an Iran expert at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies, told The Associated Press this week that a key lesson Tehran drew from last year’s war was the need to ensure regime continuity in case of Khamenei’s death. He added that power could shift to a small committee of top officials until hostilities subside.

“It is possible that Khamenei has indicated a preferred successor behind closed doors,” Citrinowicz said. “However automatic implementation of a preselected successor will increase internal friction during war.”

But the Revolutionary Guard has grown to become Iran’s most powerful body. If the supreme leader is confirmed to be dead, that could prompt Guard commanders or its regular military to seize power more overtly. And that could set off a bloody conflict over control of the oil-rich country of 85 million people.