Inside Houston’s 1970 School Strike

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Editor’s Note: Lupe Mendez, poetry editor of the Texas Observer, is author of the new book We Exist in the Whisper: Huelga School Verses (Arte Público Press, 2026)–one of the first works to tackle Houston’s 1970s huelga school movement. Mendez’s moving mélange of poetry, interviews, and journal entries describes a citywide strike, during which Mexican-American students and parents protested the district’s attempt to skirt integration by classifying them as white. Mendez calls this book an attempt to “sit with the movement.” Excerpts reprinted by permission of Arte Público Press.

Introduction

On August 31, 1970, more than 3,000 children were withdrawn from Houston Independent School District classrooms. The district’s desegregation plan, designed to comply with federal mandates, rezoned and bused Black and brown—Mexican and Mexican-American—students in ways that many Mexican families experienced not as justice, but as displacement and disregard. In response, families organized boycotts. They formed the Mexican-American Education Council (MAEC). They established Huelga Schools—strike schools—so that their children could continue learning with dignity.

Hell No, No Vamos [excerpt]

I.
The shiny yellow stage empty
at home protesting
the pairing of Chicanos and Blacks
Mothers march up and down

at home protesting
in signs “hell no, no vamos” and
Mothers march up and down
“Education Sí, Mickey Mouse Games, No” …

Loco Boundaries [excerpt]

Es imposible
leer the new school maps
El PAPEL CHICANO
made every possible effort
de traerles los mapas
en esta edición
actual photographs, en dibujos

the maps showing boundaries
of the new school zones
We had a professional
photographer, nos ayudó
at the school district offices
for hours trying to
find a way to bring you these

An engineer
accompanied our reporter to
draw the maps onto drawing
or tracing paper
so we could write in the street boundaries
Both were shocked

at the complexities of the maps …

Research Site Visit Log #2
Date: July 1, 2019
Site Type: Residential,
Address: 1146 Gazin St.

This is another house on a corner lot. There is overgrown grass
along the sidewalk around the house, and it looks abandoned
or neglected, then abandoned. There is a
“no trespassing” sign on the outside of the chain-link fence
and no breeze to speak of.
There is one wooden chair on the cement porch—
not a shotgun house, but a manufactured-siding house.
It sits on blocks. It was once a mobile home.
The grass has been recently cut. The outside is dirty—
there is a film over the house. The windows on the inside
carry ripped-up black trash bags as drapery, the water meter
cover is broken and rusted, and on the left corner
there’s a sycamore tree, tall enough for shade,
the one grace it holds. Did this place hold students as well?
Was the line of Huelga School kids out of the yard
and around the corner? Across the street are the warehouse
structures for a shipping company. There is a steady
stream of eighteen wheelers coming and going;
at least twelve have come in and out as I write this.
Did I count that right?

Interview with “Tía Belinda” Belinda Miller
Student, Resurrection Church Huelga School, High School campus

Belinda Romo (now Belinda Miller) is a current resident of San Antonio, Texas. She is one of ten kids, who at the time of the Huelga School Movement were in the 1st through 10th grades.

Belinda’s family lived in Denver Harbor, close to the Houston Ship Channel, on the Eastern side of the city. All six sisters attended a Huelga School. Belinda should have gone to Furr High School for 10th grade year, but received notification that she was re-zoned to Wheatley High School for the 1970–71 school year. Her younger sister, Laura, was the only other sister to attend Wheatley with her. Their younger sisters were assigned to McReynolds Jr. High.

Belinda said her parents were not very involved in school: “They weren’t no PTA parents.” They nevertheless were upset with their children being zoned to Wheatley instead of Furr because their girls would have to walk to get to Wheatley. They were aware of talk in the neighborhood and worried about the violent acts between Brown/Black communities. “Everybody was fighting for jobs and space.”

Belinda’s mom had heard from locals in the neighborhood that you could go to Furr and demand spots be given back. So, she called the school and was given the run-around. Then, she physically went to the school to ask about what could be done for her daughters and was told that the “spots” were given to other kids. Furr was already half white. The school was mostly a “50/50 split.” In fact, in the 1970-71 academic year, there were more white students at Furr High.

Her mother learned about the ongoing protests and knew of the Huelga School at Resurrection Church. Belinda would be a student there for six months. She remembered students took classes in the bingo hall or in the classrooms after regular Catholic school let out. She recalled there being partitions in the bingo hall to divide out the classes.

“I just remember being grateful we had some place to go,” she told me.

As we are talking, I map out the distance between Furr HS and Wheatley HS. It is 5.2 miles. I locate the house address for Belinda’s family residence.* The house sits on the “border” of Denver Harbor and 5th Ward, closer to Wheatley High School.

“It was all just a lot for us to handle,” Belinda says.

The post Inside Houston’s 1970 School Strike appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Throwing the Book at Books in Prison

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Every Thursday and Sunday evening, a dozen volunteers file into the back room of Vesper, a community space in East Austin. In the workroom-turned-library, there is a small kitchen, bright overhead lighting, and hundreds of books and magazines stacked every which way on floor-to-ceiling shelves that line the walls. Each person plucks a handwritten letter from a neat stack on the folding table in the center of the room. The letter, written by a Texas prisoner, contains a request for three books, sometimes accompanied by details about daily incarcerated life. Then they search the stocked shelves for books that fit the person’s genre or author preferences. They write a return letter, assemble the package, and pass it off to “quality control”—the lead volunteers who check and seal the package, before it gets mailed to the inmate’s prison. 

These volunteers fuel the nonprofit that is Inside Books Project, which sends around 40,000 free books per year to incarcerated men and women in correctional facilities around the state. In 1999, Dave Martinez, who had previously developed the Prisoners Literature Project in San Francisco, moved to Austin to start a Texas-based prison book project, working with a handful of other activists in the area to get the organization off the ground. 

That included Scott Odierno, the current coordinator of Inside Books Project, who’d moved to Austin from New Orleans, where he’d worked at Crescent Wrench, a now-disbanded bookstore collective with a radical bent, and joined the group in 2000. In 2009, the organization moved operations to Vesper and obtained nonprofit status in 2012. Now, Odierno, 55, is the only full-time employee and receives a small stipend for his work.

There are about 56 prison book programs in the United States, serving almost every state. Most of these are entirely volunteer-run and rely on donated books to operate. At Inside Books, the only prison book program in Texas, about 80 percent of all books are donated, but the organization buys some from secondhand retailers to bolster its inventory. The scrappy team is constantly scrambling to keep up with the never-ending demand for books from what is the largest imprisoned population in the country. The group usually works two months behind, fielding letters and fulfilling requests twice a week. It’s necessary, rewarding work that benefits everyone involved: Not only does maintaining access to books and educational materials in prison preserve the intellectual freedom of incarcerated people, but it also makes facilities safer and reduces recidivism rates. 

Almost half of all requests sent to Inside Books are for fiction—generally mass-market paperback titles by authors like Dean Koontz, Louis L’Amour, and James Patterson. Prisoners often request dictionaries, reference books, and topical works on psychology, business, and self-help. Travel books and National Geographic magazines are unsurprisingly a common request. Each requester has a goal for their reading lives: to be entertained, to better themselves, to learn, and most often, to escape from their confined reality. 

Olly Wasser, a volunteer, said the mission of the nonprofit immediately grabbed him when he started with Inside Books last year. “I just instantly fell in love with the whole place and the whole idea,” he said. Some inmates write from solitary confinement or share specifics about their lives and the moments that led to their prison sentence. Volunteers write letters back to those incarcerated in state prison explaining why they chose certain books, offering other reading recommendations, and otherwise responding to other information in the correspondence. “I think in some ways that is the real highlight in the way that it helps one reflect on one’s own life,” Wasser said. 

But despite its enormous output and impact, Inside Books Project is facing a new hurdle: In April, the Texas Department of Criminal Justice (TDCJ), which runs the state prison system, implemented a new ban on hardcover and used books in its prisons. According to prison officials, the new restrictions are designed to curb drugs coming into prisons via the spines and binding of hardcover books and via used books soaked in narcotics like K2, a synthetic marijuana, or fentanyl. 

The full extent of the contraband problem is murky, and definitive data is hard to come by. Amanda Hernandez, a TDCJ spokesperson, told the Texas Observer that in 2025, the department logged 385 instances of books allegedly laced with narcotics. Hernandez also said that between January and April of this year, facility mail rooms scanned 25,000 packages that contained two or more books. The department recently introduced RaySecur scanning machines into facility mail rooms designed to “detect powders and liquids” on mail and books—a new technology that critics argue sometimes flags false positives. 

The roughly 140,000 people incarcerated in Texas state prisons now have two options for receiving books: They can have a loved one send a new paperback book through an approved retailer or they can check out books from their facility’s prison library, which is operated by the state’s Windham School District. Hernandez pointed out that Windham School District accepts general book donations but not for individual recipients. If an inmate has access to a tablet, they can read preloaded public domain books—those that are over 100 years old—for free. 

Eldon Ray James, a retired researcher and librarian, was incarcerated in a federal prison in Texas for five years. He received an associate degree while incarcerated and after his release obtained a bachelor’s and a master’s degree from the University of Texas at Austin. Access to books, particularly textbooks, was critical to his educational success. To James, the new TDCJ restrictions are shortsighted: “To ban books simply because they have a hardcover or they’re used is just trying to solve a problem that may exist in prison by finding the easiest target,” he said. “And the easiest target they can find is to change the rules for what books can come in.” 

Since the ban was announced, Inside Books has been stuck in an exhausting limbo. Odierno says his group has had to decline almost half of the books they would normally take as donations and been forced to donate or recycle books that are no longer accepted. Prisoners write almost daily to volunteers with concerns over how to access free books. Questions remain: How used is too used? Is a cracked spine or underlining on a few pages disqualifying? Will all mail room employees use the same set of criteria to assess books? Hernandez said “no stains and no tears” is the criteria mail room employees will be looking for, but she was unsure about underlining or highlighting in books. 

At a recent board meeting, Odierno urged TDCJ to reconsider the ban and has repeatedly expressed concerns that being unable to send certain types of books will severely limit what Inside Books can provide for free. TDCJ has also moved to implement an online portal that would require volunteers to input the information of every inmate and every book in each package. “We send about 250 packages every week, and having to enter everything in each package is just overwhelming,” Odierno said. 

For now, Odierno said, Inside Books has a stockpile of about 5,000 books that meet the new TDCJ criteria, though he’s not certain how long that will last. “In a year, we might wind up having to purchase a lot more books,” Odierno said. 

Limiting accepted book formats adds another layer of difficulty to what is already a challenging process. The need for free, accessible books in Texas prisons is clear from the overwhelming amount of requests the organization receives and the genuine appreciation for the volunteers’ work expressed by each letter writer. 

In one recent letter Wasser read, an incarcerated person wrote that while he felt he never learned anything in school, he’s now trying to educate himself through reading. “It’s a pleasure to help such a person,” Wasser said. “It really opens up worlds for people, doesn’t it?” 

Medar de la Cruz is a Pulitzer Prize winner for a visually driven story set inside Rikers Island jail using bold black-and-white images that humanize the prisoners through showing their hunger for books.

The post Throwing the Book at Books in Prison appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Unity and Discontent at the Texas Dems’ Corpus Convening

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At this year’s Texas Democratic Party convention, sounds of the Corpus Christi coastline lulled Lone Star liberals into the recurring dream of a blue wave crashing over the state. After 30 years of Republican rule, Democrats once again insisted that 2026 would be their best shot at flipping Texas in decades. Emboldened by a viral U.S. Senate candidate in James Talarico and the toxic failures of President Donald Trump, the conditions almost mirror 2018 when the last blue wave turned the tides of several down-ballot races but, at the top, ultimately turned out to be little more than a message written in the sand. 

Over the course of the three-day convention, a long line of speakers attacked Republicans on the high price of groceries and healthcare as well as the shuttering of public schools across the state. In the drought-stricken city of oil refineries and the original Whataburger, the most prominent climate issues mentioned weren’t tied to fossil fuels and the oil and gas industry but water-wasting data centers and cattle-killing screwworms. They adopted a new party platform focused on populist policies protecting workers’ rights, expanding public transportation, and making healthcare more affordable.

On the surface, the Democrats asserted themselves as a unified party of the working class against the all-powerful billionaires. The party boasted of advances in GOP strongholds that include a state Senate seat in Tarrant County, new chapters of the Young Democrats in West Texas, and putting forth Democratic “Challengers” for every legislative and congressional race in the state. Yet tension stirred within the ranks of delegates and party officials. The lack of diversity at the top of the ticket, clashes over Israel, and debates over progressivism versus moderation represent a battle for the future of the party that was thinly veiled by constant calls to unity.

The population of Texas is over 30 million people, of which about 40 percent are Hispanic and 13 percent are Black—yet this year’s slate of Democrats for statewide office is made up mostly of white candidates from Central Texas. Three politically experienced women—including state Representative Gina Hinojosa for governor, state Representative Vikki Goodwin for lieutenant governor, and state Senator Sarah Eckhardt for comptroller, all from Austin—are helping lead the ticket, but the ballot is noticeably lacking in racial diversity that has left some Black voters, politicians, and activists who form the base of the Texas Democratic Party feeling disenfranchised.

The Democratic primary battle for the Senate nomination between Dallas Congresswoman Jasmine Crockett and Austin state Representative James Talarico unleashed controversy over the topic of “electability” in a state dominated by the politics of whiteness, Christianity, and masculinity. Talarico’s victory in March didn’t fully quell the debate as he tries to shore up the vast majority of Black voters cast their ballots for Crockett in the primary, particularly in Dallas, Houston, and East Texas.

“I saw how excited my students were for Jasmine Crockett,” said Laura Longoria, a delegate and high school teacher in East Texas. “I’m worried we’re going to lose some of that excitement.” Since then, Talarico has attempted to forge a stronger connection with Black Texans by speaking at Black churches and universities. He also announced a policy plan to combat maternal mortality, which disproportionately affects Black women.

(Photo by Eden Shamy)

Talarico invited Crockett to be a keynote speaker at the convention, an offer she reportedly denied. As she told the Dallas Morning News: “I had a missed call that I’ve not returned, nor have I listened to the message from Talarico.” She added that the invitation seemed like an afterthought, but “I can’t say for sure because I haven’t listened to it.” Some perceived the comments as deliberately undermining Talarico, although Crockett endorsed him immediately after losing the primary. Her office told KVUE that Crockett was simply busy doing her job in Congress, and attending the convention would not be feasible. 

On the second day of the convention, Talarico spoke before Texas Democrats’ Black Caucus, where he was well received. “The Democratic Party has a troubling history of taking Black voters for granted,” he said. “And I am committing to you to not make those mistakes.”

Talarico and candidates Vikki Goodwin, Nathan Johnson, and Sarah Eckhardt also stumped before the Tejano and Hispanic caucuses. They vowed to end cooperation with ICE and shut down inhumane migrant detention centers. Vice Chair for Finance Kolby Duhon emphatically stated that “Black women are the backbone of this party,” to roaring applause during the general session, which featured a more diverse array of candidates running up and down the ballot.

Speaker after speaker took the stage at the Hilliard Center to address the “rice and beans issues,” as Senator Chuy Hinojosa put it. The Texas Democrats’ adoption of a more populist platform—one that emphasizes a commitment to kitchen table economic issues targeting the working class—was fortified by special guest Dolores Huerta, the Chicana civil rights leader, Tennessee state Representative Justin J. Pearson, and keynote speaker Senator Bernie Sanders.

“Today we must refound this nation once again against a tyrannical government,” said Pearson, who’s been on the forefront of the battle against racially gerrymandered maps in Tennessee. “If the Republican Party is going to be the party licking the boot of the billionaires who are taking our land, polluting our water, and taking our jobs, then let us be the party of the working class.” Dolores Huerta’s surprise appearance moved the entire arena to their feet in chants of “Sí se puede.” Yet in the on-stage interview, little was actually said about the state of labor organizing in Texas. 

Pearson and Huerta were immediately followed up by the keynote speaker U.S. Senator Cory Booker, a mainstream Dem from New Jersey. Last year, the senator’s record-breaking filibuster speech against Republican spending cuts surged his popularity among rank-and-file liberals. But for progressives, Booker remains an unpopular figure due to his past support for Israel and education reform like school choice. While Booker preached for 25 minutes about living up to Democratic values, three young women stood up from the front of the crowd in protest. “Why should Texans listen to you when you’ve accepted almost a million dollars from AIPAC?” they shouted. “We deserve better than sell-out Democrats like you!”

Many in the surrounding crowd sought to quell the dissent, yelling at them to be quiet and leave. Police were called in and escorted the protestors out of the arena.

The three protesters are members of the Austin chapter of Sunrise Movement, a youth-led group for climate justice and anti-fascism. Rosario Lopez-Cadenas, a 26-year-old progressive who participated in the protest, said she attended the convention to better understand the Democrat’s vision of the future. “I really got a sense that a lot of them were campaigning on being anti-Trump but not much else,” said Cadenas. “Working-class people don’t want to be complicit in genocide, and it makes Cory Booker kind of untrustworthy.” 

(Photo by Eden Shamy)

This year’s convention was dotted by keffiyehs and other nods of solidarity with Palestine. In the exhibit hall, attendees gathered around the “Falasteen Street Museum,” a collection of posters that detail the history of occupation, apartheid, and ethnic cleansing. The mobile exhibit has been a recurring educational feature of pro-Palestine gatherings around Austin.

The two leading non-Texan speakers—Booker and Sanders—have found themselves in frequent opposition over the years, particularly on lowering prescription drug prices and cutting off aid to Israel. After greenlighting arms sales to Israel for two years while it’s committed what a United Nations commission has found to be a genocide in Gaza, Booker finally supported Sanders’ bill this April to block military aid to the apartheid state—not necessarily because of Palestine but because of his opposition to “Trump’s war” in Iran.

When Sanders took the stage the following Saturday night to close out the convention, he received a standing ovation for promising to end aid to Israel. In his typical always-on-message fashion, the 84-year-old Vermont democratic socialist’s speech detailed all the ways in which billionaires have corrupted American democracy through their super PACs and ownership of the media. “The American people do not want establishment status quo policies,” Sanders said. “This country is facing major crises, and they want bold proposals.”

(Photo by Eden Shamy)

Days before the convention, Sanders (and an acolyte in Mayor Zohran Mamdani) helped fuel recent victories for the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) in the New York primaries. But Texas is no New York. Top-of-the-slate candidates such as Talarico and Hinojosa have focused their broadly popular messages on pocketbook populist issues and taking on political corruption, and have made explicit appeals to moderates and disillusioned Republicans.

On Friday night, Hinojosa harnessed broad discontent into a sharp criticism of Governor Greg Abbott and the political establishment. “There is a name for what you have been paying. It is the Greg Abbott Corruption Tax,” she said. “You pay it when your electricity bill arrives, when your local school closes, when your grocery bills go up. You pay it when you can’t get the care you already paid for and need to survive—all while Greg Abbott and his donors get richer.”

To close the night, Talarico gave a speech that went right after his opponent. “This isn’t a partisan thing. Republicans know just as well as Democrats that there’s no place for guys like Ken Paxton in Texas,” said Talarico. “That’s why these two parties that don’t seem to agree on anything these days came together to impeach the most corrupt politician in America.”

Still, rising socialist factions within the Democratic Party have spurred fear in the more moderate wing, and some have even formed their own group to swear their allegiance to capitalism. Congressman Vicente Gonzalez Jr. and congressional candidate Bobby Pulido—both running highly contested races in South Texas—were among the first of 13 Democrats to sign the “Promise to America.” Both of them are conservative Blue Dog Democrats that believe it will take moderation to win over traditional voters in South Texas.

Congressional candidate and Tejano performer Bobby Pulido performs at the Texas Democratic convention in Corpus Christi. (Photo by Eden Shamy)

“We are capitalist, not socialist,” and “We are mainstream, not extreme,” are among the core tenants of the Promise to America. Despite these undercurrents of ideological conflict, Democrats stayed focused on a message of unity and getting out the vote to flip Texas this November. People danced and cheered for Pulido during his opening night performance, and they applauded both Booker and Sanders alike. In the end, the party voted overwhelmingly to “Keep Kendall” Scudder as party chair in an election that featured two other challengers.

“We are one party with one purpose,” said Scudder in his fiery closing remarks. “When we leave Corpus Christi today, we leave with a unified message and a shared promise to the people of Texas: Texans don’t need more political theater, they need leaders.”

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