Biggest lobbying interests buck trend with higher 2024 spending

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Caitlin Reilly | (TNS) CQ-Roll Call

WASHINGTON — Trade groups and companies responsible for this year’s largest lobbying expenditures so far upped the ante in the first half of 2024 compared to a year earlier, defying expectations for an election year slump.

K Street’s top 10 clients shelled out $162.3 million through June, up 13% from the first half of 2023. Part of that was due to heavy legislative activity during the first quarter, which saw enactment of two big spending packages and House passage of a $79 billion tax bill that got hung up in the Senate.

Topping the list are old standbys that regularly populate the top 10: the U.S. Chamber of Commerce; National Association of Realtors; Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, known as PhRMA; American Medical Association; American Hospital Association; and Business Roundtable. All boosted their lobbying expenditures in the first half of this year above the same period in 2023.

Changes to this year’s top 10 include the American Chemistry Council and AARP, the chief seniors’ lobby group, elbowing their way in. Meta Platforms Inc., parent of Facebook and Instagram, pushed into the top five, wedged between health care titans PhRMA and the American Medical Association, the main physicians’ lobby.

Lobbying expenditures dipped in the second quarter, from $89.1 million to $73.9 million. But top K Street officials said uncertainty around the elections continues to drive client demand — and revenue — as companies prepare for all possible November outcomes.

“Election years bring some trepidation for the lobbying business because of the uncertainty about the legislative outlook and political outlook, but interest is heightened beyond belief right now,” said William Moschella, co-chair of the government relations department at Brownstein.

Moschella’s firm — also known as Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck LLP — reported $17.6 million in lobbying revenue in the second quarter, up 8% compared to the first quarter and 12% above the same period last year.

Brownstein’s top clients include private equity giant Apollo Global Management and two Apollo units, internet service provider Brightspeed and insurer Athene Holding Ltd., contributing a combined $2.6 million to the firm’s bottom line last quarter, according to disclosure forms. Tax policy was a main topic of concern, including on corporate and international taxes and the taxation of private equity investments, as well as broadband deployment issues.

Lobbyists said they expect revenue to remain elevated through the end of the year, despite lower odds of major legislation getting enacted.

“I honestly think it’s going to be more the same,” Moschella said. “Even though the number of legislative weeks are kind of dwindling, I think that there is so much attention on 2025 that that interest is going to remain high.”

Loren Monroe, a principal at BGR Group, said the unusual degree of uncertainty around the elections, as well as preparing for the expiration of many provisions of the 2017 tax law at the end of next year kept spending high.

“Anytime there’s potential change and uncertainty of who’s going to be in charge, it leads to an uptick in business. Our experience is clients want to have all scenarios covered,” Monroe said. “There’s so many different variables of what it’s going to look like after the November elections that a lot of our clients are looking to us to give them guidance and insights into how the changes could impact their priorities. Where are they at risk? Where are there opportunities?”

Monroe’s firm reported $11.1 million in revenue last quarter, up 3% from the first quarter and 8% from the second quarter last year. Among BGR’s biggest revenue-generating clients: semiconductor and wireless products manufacturer Qualcomm Inc.; the American Health Care Association, the largest trade group for nursing homes and assisted living facilities; and the government of India.

By the numbers

Interest groups tend to fall out of and into the top 10 from quarter to quarter. But tallying up the top 10’s activity is still useful in measuring broad industry trends, since it demonstrates the relative firepower aimed at influencing policy.

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The uptick so far this year came despite the usual slowdown in lobbying expenditures during election years as legislative output slows to accommodate campaigning, and amid an economic recovery that analysts say is losing steam.

Of this year’s top 10 lobbying spenders, only Amazon’s — down about 3% — dropped from this point last year.

Meta Platforms increased spending by 43% compared to the same period last year. Legislation to require social media platforms to provide greater protections for children using their sites picked up momentum this year after whistleblowers from Instagram and Facebook testified that Meta ignored warning signs about risks to children online.

The Senate last month passed a bill that would require companies to design online platforms in a way that mitigates harm to users and bar them from sharing children’s personal information without parental consent. Meta has not taken a stance on the package.

PhRMA boosted spending by about 16% this year over last. The Chamber of Commerce increased its spending by about 6%, while the Business Roundtable spent about 10% more compared to this time last year.

Chemical industry, AARP ramp up

The American Chemistry Council and AARP, formerly known as the American Association of Retired Persons, significantly increased lobbying spending, by about 54% and 27%, respectively.

American Chemistry Council spokesman Scott Openshaw said his group’s heavier activity was driven in part by a “comprehensive seven-figure campaign” calling on the Biden administration to “stop regulatory overreach” and promote manufacturing competitiveness.

The group also lobbied on EPA’s “flawed approach” to implementing 2016 updates to the chemical regulation law known as the Toxic Substances Control Act, Openshaw said, and pushed for the House-passed tax package and its restoration of lapsed business breaks as well as repeal of new Superfund taxes on chemicals.

In a statement, AARP said it ratcheted up spending in association with the group’s first in-person Washington “fly-in” in five years to support family caregiver legislation. AARP also lobbied to uphold Biden administration rulemakings on minimum nursing home staffing standards and on financial advisers’ fiduciary duties to investor clients.

AARP and the chemical industry group replaced CVS Health Corp. and the Open Society Action Fund, the lobbying arm of the left-leaning philanthropic group founded by billionaire financier George Soros, on the top 10 list for the first half of the year.

The Soros-backed group, also known as the Open Society Policy Center, has dramatically reduced its lobbying since the final years of the Trump administration, though it reported a big uptick in early 2023 amid an effort to repeal authorizations for the use of military force against Iraq that passed the Senate but died in the House.

CVS Health’s expenditures dropped substantially in the first half of this year after a flurry of early 2023 activity around legislation aimed at cracking down on pharmacy benefit managers’ practices.

Spending mostly tapered off in the second quarter, with six of the top 10 groups cutting their lobbying expenditures below the previous quarter.

Spending by the Chamber of Commerce dropped about 40% from the first quarter. Neil Bradley, the chamber’s executive vice president and chief policy officer, said that was more a function of when bills came due rather than any particular policy shift. Spending by the American Medical Association, PhRMA and Meta also dropped by more than one-fifth from the first quarter.

Tax cliff

Preparing for the expiration of many of the individual and business provisions from the 2017 tax law at the end of next year persisted in the second quarter as a source of lobbying activity and interest, K Street officials said.

Akin — also known as Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP — credited preparation for next year’s tax negotiations, and the addition of former House Ways and Means Chairman Kevin Brady, R-Texas, to their staff, for a record second-quarter performance for the firm: $13.8 million in lobbying revenue. Akin’s second quarter revenue was up 6% from the same period last year; it fell less than 1% from the first quarter.

BGR Group’s Monroe said the firm is encouraging early engagement with members on next year’s tax cliff, especially in light of member and staff turnover since passage of the 2017 law.

“Businesses are very much trying to find the right words and the right emphasis to put forward as they engage, because it’s a whole new ballgame,” Monroe said. “There’s enormous turnover in Congress, among the staff, among the committees of jurisdiction members. There’s not as nearly as much historical perspective. And so in many ways you’re having to approach offices with a blank slate and to make your case again, regardless of what happened.”

Brownstein’s Moschella added that the firm is telling clients to consider all provisions “on the table” next year given high debt and deficits, despite Republican promises to fully extend the law.

“Being involved now, educating members of Congress now is of paramount importance,” he said.

___

©2024 CQ-Roll Call, Inc., All Rights Reserved. Visit cqrollcall.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

How Ferguson elevated the profile of the Justice Department’s civil rights enforcers

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By ERIC TUCKER and ALANNA DURKIN RICHER Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — As the first images out of Ferguson, Missouri surfaced 10 years ago — the bloodied body of a man left for hours in the street beneath white sheets, protesters smashing car windows and looting stores — it didn’t take long for the federal government to see a role for itself.

Acting with notable haste, the FBI within two days opened a criminal investigation into the killing of Michael Brown at the hands of a police officer, while the Justice Department less than a month later launched a civil rights inquiry culminating in a devastating report that identified abuses by the city’s overwhelmingly white police force and court system.

The investigations catapulted the department’s Civil Rights Division into the spotlight, bringing heightened publicity to a unit whose work since its 1957 creation included fighting for voting rights and prosecuting Los Angeles police officers in the beating of Rodney King. The Ferguson probes became part of a cluster of high-profile investigations into police departments, work that fed a national dialogue on race and law enforcement and formed a legacy item of the Obama administration Justice Department before being largely abandoned under President Donald Trump. Inquiries into big-city police forces returned under President Joe Biden.

“I can’t tell you the number of chiefs I’ve talked to who told me that they had their officers read the Ferguson report, that they did trainings around it,” said Vanita Gupta, who took over the Civil Rights Division two months after Brown’s death and held the position for the remainder of the Obama administration. “It became a document that had a life far beyond Ferguson and really triggered conversations nationwide around justice and policing.”

This story is part of an ongoing series by The Associated Press exploring the impact, legacy and ripple effects of what is widely called the Ferguson uprising, sparked a decade ago by the fatal shooting of Brown.

The public outcry in Ferguson didn’t occur in a vacuum, coming two years after the killing of Black teenager Trayvon Martin by a neighborhood watch volunteer in Florida and on the heels of a spate of federal investigations that exposed pervasive problems in police departments in Seattle, Albuquerque and Newark, New Jersey. In Ferguson itself, residents protested not only Brown’s death but also years if not decades of mistreatment by police and city officials.

“It was this constant, daily experience of hostile engagement with law enforcement. People were afraid to go out of their homes. They were afraid to drive because they didn’t want to get stopped. They knew that each one of those encounters would be a negative encounter,” said Jonathan Smith, who headed the Civil Rights Division section that investigated Ferguson and other troubled police forces.

Brown was killed Aug. 9, 2014 in a violent altercation with officer Darren Wilson that began when Wilson ordered the 18-year-old, who was walking with a friend down the middle of a street, onto the sidewalk. The following day, after a candlelight vigil, protesters smashed car windows and carried away stolen items from stores. The night after that, police fired tear gas and rubber bullets into a crowd to try to disperse protesters.

As community unrest grew, with protesters clashing with officers in armored vehicles and military-style equipment, President Barack Obama dispatched Attorney General Eric Holder to Ferguson, where he met with law enforcement and community leaders. In a trip that underscored the administration’s determination to quell the turbulence, Holder appealed for calm in the community and met Brown’s parents, saying later that he had greeted them not only as attorney general but as the father of a teenage son.

Besides the investigation into Brown’s death, the Justice Department separately opened a civil inquiry into the entire police department.

Officials scoured more than 35,000 pages of police records and found city emails containing racist language. They analyzed data on stops, searches, citations, arrests and use-of-force. The team — which included attorneys, an investigator and community engagement specialists — participated in police ride-alongs, attended court proceedings and spent hours in coffeeshops talking to residents.

The result was a scathing March 2015 report documenting eye-popping police abuses. Even though the department didn’t find sufficient evidence for criminal charges in Brown’s death, a decision that disappointed protesters seeking justice, the broader report into the police department resonated across the nation, as many people outside Ferguson recognized similar abuses by their law enforcement.

“There are Fergusons all around the country where attention is needed to rebuild community trust — which, of course, is ultimately key to public safety,” said Chiraag Bains, a former senior counselor in the Civil Rights Division who helped lead the Ferguson investigations.

The report showed how Black residents were disproportionately subjected to excessive force and baseless searches-and-seizures, practices the Justice Department said reflected racial bias within the city. It accused the city of using law enforcement operations to generate revenue rather than for legitimate public safety purposes. Among the examples of abuse it cited: one man was charged with violating the city’s municipal code for purported infractions like not wearing a seatbelt despite sitting in a parked car and for giving the shortened form of his name — “Mike” instead of “Michael.”

The Justice Department and Ferguson in 2016 entered into a consent decree requiring the police department to make significant reforms.

Such agreements aren’t the “the end all, be all,” said Gupta, since they’re limited to resolving policing problems but don’t necessarily address longstanding race-based disparities. That can be be frustrating, she said, because police-community breakdowns can often be the “tip of the spear to more entrenched societal inequities.”

Even so, she said, one consequence of the department’s policing work in Ferguson was that community leaders and political figures began calling for federal intervention after similar deaths. That’s what happened in Baltimore, for instance, where the Justice Department launched a sweeping investigation into the city police department after Freddie Gray’s death, and in Chicago, where a federal inquiry into the Chicago force was opened after Laquan McDonald was fatally shot by a police officer.

The focus of the Civil Rights Division changed dramatically in the Trump administration. Trump’s first attorney general, Jeff Sessions, announced weeks after taking office a review of pattern-or-practice investigations that all but nullified a process he said unduly smeared entire police forces.

But the investigations picked up again early in the Biden administration, with a new Justice Department leadership entering their positions in the aftermath of George Floyd’s killing in Minneapolis. Since April 2021, the Civil Rights Division says it’s launched 11 pattern-or-practice investigations into law enforcement agencies, including police departments in Minneapolis, Louisville and Phoenix. It’s currently enforcing consent decrees with 12 law enforcement agencies, including Ferguson police.

Christy Lopez, a former Justice Department official who led the team that investigated Ferguson, said that while she was not satisfied with the pace of work, there’s no question “we are in a better place than we were 10 years ago in terms of how we think about and how we are actually working to change policing.”

But much work remains, Lopez said.

“Not only do we still have a long way to go, but it’s not at all clear that we will continue moving forward,” she said. “And it’s very clear that people’s lives are being lost and lives are being destroyed because of our inability to actually be sensible about things, to not politicize everything.”

Eugene and Dan Levy will host the 2024 Emmy Awards

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By Maira Garcia, Los Angeles Times

LOS ANGELES — Four years ago, Eugene and Dan Levy became the first father-son duo to win Emmys in the same year. This year, they’re embarking on another first: hosting the Emmys.

On Friday, ABC and the Television Academy, the organization that presents the awards, announced that the Levys would host the show, making them the first-ever father and son pair to do so. The ceremony, which celebrates the best of television, will take place Sept. 15 at the Peacock Theater at L.A. Live in Los Angeles.

“For two Canadians who won our Emmys in a literal quarantine tent, the idea of being asked to host this year in an actual theater was incentive enough,” Eugene and Dan Levy said in a statement. “We’re thrilled to be able to raise a glass to this extraordinary season of television and can’t wait to spend the evening with you all on Sept. 15.”

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In announcing the hosts, Craig Erwich, president of Disney Television Group, said in a statement that the pair’s “comedic intuition and uncanny ability to capture the hearts of viewers will make for a memorable Emmys telecast honoring this year’s best and brightest.”

Television Academy Chair Cris Abrego added that the organization was “thrilled to welcome two generations of comedy genius to the Emmy’s stage as hosts.”

“I cannot wait for Emmy fans to see what they have in store for all of us,” he said in a statement.

In 2020, during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Levys won multiple Emmys for the sixth and final season of their critically acclaimed comedy “Schitt’s Creek,” which they co-created and starred in. The Canadian sitcom aired on CBC in Canada and on Pop TV in the U.S. before moving to Netflix in 2017, where it experienced a bump in popularity. It also starred Catherine O’Hara and Annie Murphy.

Since “Schitt’s Creek” wrapped, the actors have remained busy. Eugene Levy is host and executive producer of “The Reluctant Traveler,” a travel documentary series on Apple TV+ that was recently renewed for a third season, and he will guest star in the fourth season of Hulu’s hit series “Only Murders in the Building.” Dan Levy launched a film and television production company, Not a Real Production Co., and he made his directorial feature film debut with 2023’s “Good Grief,” which he also wrote and starred in. He also created and hosted the cooking competition series “The Big Brunch” on Max.

©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Trump reveals $513 million from golf clubs and resorts

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Bill Allison | (TNS) Bloomberg News

Donald Trump’s latest financial disclosure showed $513 million in income from U.S. resort and residential properties including his Doral, Mar-a-Lago and Bedminster clubs, as well tens of millions of dollars of liabilities and debts related to his legal troubles.

The figures are from a 265-page filing by the Republican nominee, which depict a sprawling portfolio that includes everything from his primary residence to revenue from crypto and the eponymous media company that owns Truth Social, his networking platform.

Among his biggest sources of income was a Miami-based company that owns golf courses and a resort. It generated $161 million over 16 months starting in January 2023. His Mar-a-Lago property in Palm Beach, Florida, generated $57 million over the same period, while Trump Ruffin Tower near Las Vegas took in $28 million from condominium sales and hotel-related revenue. His Bedminster club in New Jersey earned $37 million.

Trump valued each of the four holdings at “over $50 million” on the disclosure, the highest amount that candidates can assign an asset. Candidates disclose some types of income, including dividends, capital gains and royalties, in broad ranges. Other types, like salaries and speaking fees, must be reported in exact sums.

The former president’s holdings in Trump Media & Technology Group, worth $2.7 billion and accounting for more than half of his $5.3 billion net worth, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, were also listed as more than $50 million on the disclosure. Trump reported that he owns 114.8 million shares, 64.9% of those issued.

Trump also disclosed that the shares are subject to a “lock-up period,” preventing him from selling them. It’s set to expire in September. The company had $5.3 million in business income and earned about $563,000 in advertising.

The former president’s CIC Digital LLC, which earned $7.2 million through licensing his image on nonfungible tokens, held a crypto wallet with at least $1 million in Ethereum. Trump has courted the industry’s leaders, whose hostility to the Biden administration has led some, including venture capitalists Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz, to endorse him.

Trump also made $5.3 million from selling books, including $300,000 for the Greenwood Bible endorsement deal from LMA Productions.

Trump had to revise the first two disclosures he filed as a 2024 presidential candidate with the Office of Government Ethics, in some cases providing exact amounts for his income from his hotels and other businesses. The new disclosure will similarly be reviewed by the ethics office. It was originally due in on May 15 but Trump requested and was granted two 45-day extensions.

He listed a dozen outstanding liabilities, including two incurred in 2024 of more than $50 million, one to the New York attorney general related to the civil fraud case against him. Trump secured a $175.3 million bond issued by Los Angeles-based Knight Specialty Insurance Co. in April to put the $454 million judgment against him in the case on hold while he appeals it.

He also listed a debt of more than $50 million to writer E. Jean Carroll, who was awarded $83 million in a defamation suit against Trump, which is also bonded. He’s also appealing that ruling.

Though he has mounting legal fees that he’s using money raised through his leadership political action committee to pay for, Trump did not disclose any personal debt to lawyers or law firms on the disclosure. He listed seven outstanding loans totaling at least $165 million, and two that were paid off during the disclosure period.

His disclosure shows that his businesses continue to generate substantial income he could use to finance his campaign, but Trump has instead relied on his fundraising prowess.

He’s raised about $635 million since beginning his third bid for the White House, less than the $1 billion that Vice President Kamala Harris and her predecessor atop the Democratic ticket, President Joe Biden, have raised. One of Trump’s political action committees has paid more than $67 million for legal fees and related expenses since January 2023.

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©2024 Bloomberg L.P. Visit bloomberg.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.