Isabel Allende has a new novel and a message: Don’t give up

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Isabel Allende has been a literary legend for more than four decades.

The novelist made a living with words before she turned her attention to fiction. Allende worked as a journalist in Chile until she was forced to leave the country two years after the 1973 military coup that led to the suicide of her cousin, Chilean President Salvador Allende, and the installation of Gen. Augusto Pinochet as the dictator of the nation. She continued her work as a reporter while in exile in Venezuela.

While in that country, Allende began writing “The House of the Spirits,” which follows four generations of a family in an unnamed country much like Chile. The novel was originally published in Spain in 1982, and quickly became an international bestseller, making Allende one of the most talked-about authors of the era.

She would go on to write more than 20 works of fiction, including “Of Love and Shadows,” “Zorro,” and “The Japanese Lover,” as well as several works of nonfiction and a children’s book, “Perla the Mighty Dog.” She also founded the Isabel Allende Foundation in 1996 in honor of her late daughter, Paula Frías; the foundation invests “in the power of women and girls to secure reproductive rights, economic independence and freedom from violence.”

Allende’s longtime feminism is evident in her latest novel, “My Name Is Emilia del Valle,” published May 6 by Ballantine. The book tells the story of the title character, the fiercely independent American-born daughter of an Irish nun and a Chilean aristocrat, who convinces a newspaper editor to send her to Chile to cover the nation’s Civil War of 1891. While in Chile, she falls in love with another reporter, Eric Whelan, and meets her long-lost father.

Allende talked about her new novel via telephone from her home in northern California. This conversation has been condensed and edited for length and clarity.

Q: How did the character of Emilia arrive to you?

It all started with the [1891] Civil War in Chile. I was interested in that event because it echoes what happened 80 years later in Chile, with a military coup in both cases. In the first case, it was a civil war, and in the second case, it was a military coup, but there are a lot of similarities. I started researching the Civil War, and then I thought, “I want to tell this story from a neutral point of view. I don’t want it to be on either side of the conflict.” So I thought my narrator would be a foreigner, probably, and then one thing after another led me to the idea of having a woman journalist from California.

Q: What interested you about the Chilean Civil War of 1891?

In the months of battle during the Civil War, more Chileans died than in four years of the War of the Pacific [in 1879-1884], which was against Peru and Bolivia, and they killed each other in the most brutal way. It reminded me of what happened later [in the 1973 Chilean coup], because in both cases, it was a progressive visionary president who wanted to make changes, especially to empower the poor people. In both cases, they had the opposition of the conservatives, and eventually, the military intervened. In 1891, the military split, and that’s why we had a civil war. But in 1973, all the armed forces were against the government. In both instances, the president committed suicide.

Q: Like Emelia, you worked as a journalist. Did you find that your background in journalism helped you when you first started writing fiction?

Of course. I learned everything in journalism, how to conduct an interview, how to research and check the research of more than one source, how to use language to make it efficient so that you chop your reader by the neck in the first few lines and don’t let the reader go until the very end. 

Q: When you started writing the book, did you know that that was the profession you wanted Emilia to have?

Well, what else could it be? I needed someone who would go to report the war. There were very few women journalists at the time, and they were not war correspondents for sure, but I thought I would have to create a character that would have a very good reason to go to the civil war in Chile. So probably she has roots there. That’s how I came up with the idea for Emilia to be an illegitimate child of a Chilean man that is passing through San Francisco and has this child and never cares for her at all. She speaks Spanish because she lives in the Mission, which is at the time the only Mexican neighborhood in San Francisco. She has a Mexican stepfather, so she speaks Spanish. When she tells the newspaper that she’s the right person to report the war, she has these two things: She speaks Spanish and she has roots in the country.

Q: What kind of research did you do while you were writing this novel?

I didn’t know much [at first], but I knew that it had happened and that President [José Manuel Balmaceda] had committed suicide. That’s all I knew. But my brother, Juan, who is a scholar, now retired, helped me with the research. He sent me so much material that I was just drowning in links, documents, books, you name it. The research is there, but it shouldn’t show in the book. It’s like the dancer who leaps across the stage. You don’t want to know how much training there is behind it. You just want to see the dancer leaping. It’s the same with research for a novel. You want to have all the background, but it doesn’t have to show.

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Q: What do you think leads Emilia to strive for more and to challenge the gender roles of that era?

It was the beginning of a women’s liberation movement, but the word feminism didn’t exist yet. I wanted her to be educated, and that’s what the stepfather does. The stepfather tells her, “You are more intelligent than everybody else. You can do whatever you want. No one can put you down.” At one point, the mother says, “She cannot do that. No women are journalists. She will have to do 10 times the effort of any man to get any recognition.” And the stepfather says, “Yes, she can do that.” He gives her that self-confidence, which in a way I think I had when I was a child, somehow I got it in me that I wanted to be financially independent. I must have been 6 years old, and when I was asked, “What would you like to be when you grow up?”, my answer would be, “I want to support myself.” That’s all I wanted, because if you cannot do that, there’s no independence.

Q: Do you have any message for young women, young feminists especially, who might be getting discouraged by what’s happening in the world these days?

I have a book called “The Soul of a Woman,” which is about feminism and how I have experienced it. What I keep telling young women is that a woman alone is very vulnerable. Women together are invincible. So you have to be connected and informed and realize that all what your mothers and grandmothers have gained through incredible struggle, you may lose it in 24 hours. You have to be always vigilant and alert and keep going because this is just the beginning of a very long struggle. Patriarchy has been here for thousands of years. To change the patriarchy for a better way of living will take a long time, and there will be backlash. We have to just keep going,

Q: Would you say that you’re optimistic about the field of journalism as it’s under threat from a lot of quarters?

I have lived through this before. When we had the military coup in Chile, the first thing that happened on the first day was censorship of the press. They closed and eliminated newspapers, radio, TV programs; I had a TV program that was canceled. Immediate censorship is there to control public opinion, and any authoritarian government will try to do that. Teachers and professors are also targeted because they form the minds of the young. This can happen for a very long time, but eventually the truth comes out; eventually, things change. I am 82 years old, I have seen everything, and I know that there are cycles. Things seem really bad. You think that you cannot get out of this, it’s going to get worse probably, but we will get out of it. Don’t give up.

Recipe: Herbed Green Rice is a flavorful sidekick for your next barbecue

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With Memorial Day just around the corner, my culinary thoughts turn to grilling season. Informal gatherings with the main course fired up on the barbecue are a source of spring-to-summer fun.

As a side dish, flavorful rice is often my choice. It can be prepared in advance and transferred to a microwave-safe dish. If prepared more than 1 hour in advance, cover and refrigerate after cooling. Then just before serving, microwave it to heat it up. Done.

Herbed Green Rice

Yield: 6 to 8 servings

INGREDIENTS

2 teaspoons fennel seeds

1 cup chicken broth plus 1 1/4 cups water

1/2 cup packed Italian parsley

1/4 cup packed mint leaves

2 tablespoons minced chives

1/4 cup packed cilantro leaves

1 teaspoon hot sauce, see cook’s notes

1/4 cup plus 1 tablespoon extra-virgin olive oil

3/4 cup finely diced fresh fennel bulb

3/4 cup finely diced red onion

1/2 teaspoon salt

1 1/2 cups raw white basmati rice

1 tablespoon butter

Kosher salt and freshly ground black pepper

Cook’s notes: The original recipe called for adding 1 crumbled chili arbol when sautéing the vegetables. I prefer to use one teaspoon of Frank’s RedHot sauce to the cooking liquid in Step 2. I like it because it adds a spark of acidity and (for me) has just-right spicy heat. If you use Sriracha “rooster sauce” use 1/2 teaspoon.

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DIRECTIONS

1. Toast fennel seeds in a small pan over medium heat for 2 to 3 minutes, until they release their aroma and turn light golden brown. Cool. Grind in mortar and pestle, or place in small zipper-style plastic bag and pound with mallet or bottom of a pot until ground.

2. Bring chicken broth and water to a boil in medium-large saucepan. Turn off heat.

3. Place parsley, mint, chives and cilantro in blender. Add 1 cup of hot liquid and puree herbs at medium speed (cautiously hold down lid of blender with potholder). Add remaining liquid and puree at high speed for about 2 minutes, stopping to wipe down sides and lid as needed. You should have a smooth, very green broth.

4. Rinse out pot and heat it over high heat. Add oil, fennel, onion, toasted ground fennel seeds and 1/2 teaspoon salt; cook over medium-high heat for about 5 minutes, stirring often, until onion and fennel are translucent. Add rice, 1 teaspoon salt and pinch of pepper; toss to coat and cook just until rice starts to turn a very light brown. Add herb broth and bring to boil. Reduce heat to simmer. Add butter. Cover and simmer for 15 to 20 minutes, or until tender and liquid is absorbed. Turn off heat and leave rice covered for 5 minutes. Fluff rice with fork. Taste and adjust seasoning if needed.

Source: Adapted from Chef Suzanne Goin and “The A.O.C. Cookbook” (Alfred A. Knopf, $35)

Award-winning food writer Cathy Thomas has written three cookbooks, including “50 Best Plants on the Planet.” Follow her at CathyThomasCooks.com.

A Thirsty Tesla Refinery Could Exacerbate Corpus Christi’s Water Crisis

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Corpus Christi is a town built around water. But while the Gulf of Mexico has made the region what it is today, seawater can’t save Corpus from a rapidly growing water crisis.

As the Gulf shines on the horizon, water for the town’s residents is nowhere to be found. Wilting plants, timed showers, and unwashed cars have become a staple as drought restrictions continue. Industries, on the other hand, face no limits on water use, and a resource-intensive expansion of new projects in the region, including Tesla’s new lithium refinery, is expected to add much more demand for an already strained supply. 

A Texas city the size of Corpus Christi, with a population of about 315,000, generally uses around 38 percent of its water supply for industrial, commercial or institutional use, according to the Texas Water Development Board. In Corpus, a coastal hub for heavy industry, that rate is at least 58 percent, according to Corpus Christi Water, the city’s municipal water utility. 

“The City of Corpus Christi keeps telling us that we need to save water, but they don’t do anything to implement that on the industries,” said Myra Alaniz, a member of the environmental justice group Chispa Texas and resident of Robstown, just outside of Corpus. “We’re having to take the burden of the drought while industries, who make profit from it, go on their merry way.”

Drought restrictions have been in place since the summer of 2022 and have only grown more strict. Now, Corpus Christi Water, the city’s water agency, is preparing to implement brand-new Stage 4 drought restrictions, which would make it mandatory to comply with the currently voluntary recommendations to limit car washing and lawn watering.

“It’s called Stage 4, but the future recommendation from my office will be to call it an emergency,” Esteban Ramos, water resource manager at Corpus Christi Water (CCW), told the Texas Observer in March. “We’re at the end of the rope, and there isn’t rainfall on the horizon. … Calling it an emergency prepares our community and communities around us” for the next steps that could be coming.

Yet, while residents are pushed to cut back on use, large industrial facilities in the vicinity of the Nueces Bay are still using the majority of the water under CCW’s jurisdiction—without restrictions—such as the energy company Avina’s new high-tech plant to process ammonia and hydrogen into alternative fuels and export it abroad. Last April, Avina purchased rights to 5.5 million gallons of water per day for the next 25 years—the last remaining supply from the Nueces River.

It’s not just Corpus Christi. Fifteen minutes west, near Robstown, Texas-based electric car manufacturer Tesla’s new lithium refinery has also drawn concerns about the local water supply.

Under the direction of Elon Musk, the billionaire CEO, Texas transplant and key ally to President Donald Trump, Tesla announced its plans to build the $1-billion, 1,200-acre facility—a key part of its domestic manufacturing supply chain—back in 2023 and began production in December 2024.  

Tesla estimated that the plant would use around 1 million gallons of water per day by October of this year but could eventually use as much as 8 million gallons per day, according to February 2024 meeting minutes from the South Texas Water Authority, which purchases its water from Corpus Christi. If you filled plastic water bottles with those 8 million gallons every day and lined them up end-to-end, you could circle the equator nearly nine times in a month.

It’s not yet clear how Tesla will source its water supply for the refinery, and both the company and local officials have provided few details. Tesla did not respond to the Observer’s requests for comment about its water supply plans. Tesla reportedly began refinery operations without an official water contract, according to a recent report by KRIS 6 News. 

The prospect of Tesla becoming yet another thirsty industrial water consumer has locals worried about the future. 

“It’s always on the back of our mind that we have to conserve [water], so we try to wash dishes quickly or take a bath quickly, but then in the back of our minds we’re also thinking, why are we doing this?” said Alaniz, the Robstown resident and activist, who’s been closely tracking local water supply and regulation issues ever since Avina announced plans for its facility. “What we conserve is literally a drop in the bucket to what needs to be done, which industry is not contributing to.”

Environmental advocates are alarmed, but not surprised, that big industries are able to pursue their seemingly unquenchable thirst for water in Texas without resistance. “I’d like to be surprised these days that they’d be proposing facilities that could take that much water from us,” said Jake Hernandez, a lead organizer in the Corpus office of the Texas Campaign for the Environment, a nonprofit focused on industrial pollution. “The sad truth is, it’s a pattern … so it doesn’t surprise me that much. The simple fact of the matter is, we don’t have that.”

Nueces County Water Control and Improvement District #3, which controls Robstown’s water distribution, did not respond to requests for comment. The South Texas Water Authority, which oversees a number of water suppliers in the region, also didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Some attempts are being made to get additional water supply for the region, such as the expansion of the Mary Rhodes Pipeline, which supplies the Corpus Christi and Robstown areas with water from Lake Texarkana and the Colorado River. However, many residents fear it’s not enough, and they may well be right. 

If the pipeline were to operate at maximum capacity once the expansion is completed as expected later this month, Lake Corpus Christi would run out of water for municipal use by June 2026, according to estimates obtained through a public information request. Water levels in the lake are currently at one of the lowest since the reservoir was created in 1958 and are on track to reach their lowest ever in the coming months, according to the estimates and data from the Texas Water Development Board.

If the pipeline were to fail for any reason, the lake would run out by October—just over half a year from now, according to the water level forecast. Meanwhile, industrial water use is classified as essential, which means plants and refineries are largely exempt from local water conservation mandates.

While the City of Corpus Christi doesn’t sell water to Tesla, Ramos, the Corpus Christi water manger, acknowledged that the impacts of industrial water use nearby can harm others in the area. Still, he said that Corpus Christi Water is being intentional with its decision-making and denied claims that the entity has overcommitted its water supply.

“We have not over-allocated [or] oversold our water,” Ramos said. “We look at everybody that’s coming in, and we evaluate our supply and whether or not to get into any additional contracts.”

The Corpus Christi area isn’t alone in its water problems. Water crises are plaguing regions all across Texas and have become a growing political concern. In his State of the State address in February, Governor Greg Abbott declared water policy an emergency item this legislative session, calling for what he said will be the largest one-time water investment in the state’s history. 

Senator Charles Perry, a Republican from Lubbock, has taken the lead on the issue with a package of water legislation, including the centerpiece Senate Bill 7. That bill would establish protocols for the Texas Water Fund to finance infrastructure development like pipelines or reservoirs and expand the power of the Texas Water Development Board, the state’s leading water agency. The Texas Water Fund was approved by voters in 2023 to fund the investments proposed under SB 7. 

“Every day, there’s a news story of some community development stopped or not able to go forward because their water supply system doesn’t support the current growth,” Perry said when presenting SB 7 to the Senate on April 2. “The one thing that is lacking to get the [Texas Water Plan] to where it needs to be today is funding.”

The roughly $1 billion-a-year bill passed unanimously in the Senate and is awaiting a vote in the House. 

But organizers around Corpus say the bill isn’t addressing the right problems—and instead will invest large sums of money into purported solutions like industrial desalination plants, which convert saltwater into freshwater, in places like Corpus Christi, where such projects are already in the works. While it will take years to build those desalination plants, local authorities are already taking water “reservations” from industrial operators in the area. 

Chispa Texas program director Elida Castillo worries that SB 7 focuses on funding investments in desalination and other harmful water sourcing methods instead of prioritizing the conservation of pre-existing water sources.

“[The Legislature is] going to be spending billions of dollars for new water supplies, and they’re not doing anything to protect our existing water supplies,” said Castillo, who is also a city council member in the small town of Taft near Corpus. “[SB 7] is only going to lead to funding for desalination, which impacts communities like mine. … If you look at who’s supporting this proposition, it’s the oil and gas industry and the desalination associations.”

Castillo also said that the contracts between water suppliers and industrial customers like Avina benefit those big companies far more than the average residential user, with companies sometimes paying just over half what residents pay per gallon because of the industries’ bulk purchases. When CCW took steps to bridge the cost gap last year, industrial customers filed a complaint with the Texas Public Utility Commission, sparking a legal battle that was settled privately, according to Commission filings

Castillo said that proposed water contracts from the desalination plant include a small surcharge companies have agreed to pay in an attempt to offset the cost imposed on residents for the plant’s operation but that it won’t be enough to mitigate the cost from overselling.

“Just in the Corpus area, you have Robstown Water District Number Three, South Texas Water Authority, the Nueces River Authority, the City of Corpus Christi, and they’re all drawing water from the same sources, but they’re all signing their own contracts for water with these different industries,” Castillo said. 

She warns that water policies that focus on supplying the expansion of new industrial development without any type of conservation regulations will devastate the Corpus bay’s ecosystem and leave ordinary residents facing the brunt of the impacts. 

“We have to accept that Texas’ economic prosperity comes at an expense, and that price tag is way too high,” Castillo said. “Every part of the state has some sort of issue with either no water or excessive pollution, things of that nature. [We have to] look at the situation and take those measures to mitigate the risks and harms to our community and accept that the Texas miracle isn’t a real thing [for everyone].”

While Tesla has yet not disclosed a contract for its refinery water supply, those in the Corpus area are worried it’s only a matter of time. Residents and activists feel like a lack of water hasn’t stopped local or state leaders before, and they worry it may not now.

“This is continuing this culture of sacrificing communities to expand the economy,” Hernandez said. “We cannot allow any more of our communities to become sacrifice zones for people who do not live here.”

The post A Thirsty Tesla Refinery Could Exacerbate Corpus Christi’s Water Crisis appeared first on The Texas Observer.

What to know about the Supreme Court arguments in the birthright citizenship case

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By MARK SHERMAN, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court is hearing arguments Thursday in its first case stemming from the blitz of actions that have marked the start of President Donald Trump’s second term.

Before the court are the Trump administration’s emergency appeals of lower court orders putting nationwide holds on the Republican president’s push to deny citizenship to children born to people who are in the United States illegally.

Birthright citizenship is among several issues, many related to immigration, that the administration has asked the court to address on an emergency basis, after lower courts acted to slow the president’s agenda.

The justices are also considering the administration’s pleas to end humanitarian parole for more than 500,000 people from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela and to strip other temporary legal protections from another 350,000 Venezuelans. The administration remains locked in legal battles over its efforts to swiftly deport people accused of being gang members to a prison in El Salvador under an 18th century wartime law called the Alien Enemies Act.

In Thursday’s arguments, the justices will be weighing whether judges have the authority to issue what are called nationwide, or universal, injunctions. The Trump administration, like the Biden administration before it, has complained that judges are overreaching by issuing orders that apply to everyone instead of just the parties before the court.

Yet in discussing the limits of a judge’s power, the court almost certainly will have to take up the change to citizenship that Trump wants to make, which would upset the settled understanding of birthright citizenship that has existed for more than 125 years.

What is birthright citizenship?

The first sentence of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution reads: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.”

The Citizenship Clause, ratified in 1868 after the Civil War, was included to ensure that formerly enslaved people would be citizens. It effectively overturned the notorious Dred Scott decision, in which the Supreme Court held that Black people, no matter their status, were not citizens.

Since at least 1898 and the Supreme Court case of Wong Kim Ark, the provision has been widely interpreted to make citizens of everyone born on U.S. soil except for the children of diplomats, who have allegiance to another government; enemies present in the U.S. during hostile occupation; and, until a federal law changed things in 1924, sovereign Native American tribes.

Trump signed the birthright citizenship executive order on the first day of his second term

Trump’s executive order would deny citizenship to children if neither parent is a citizen or lawful permanent resident. Those categories include people who are in the country illegally or temporarily because, the administration contends, they are not “subject to the jurisdiction” of the United States.

Almost immediately, states, immigrants and rights groups sued to block the executive order, accusing the Republican administration of trying to unsettle the understanding of birthright citizenship. Every court to consider the issue has sided with the challengers.

The court will not be making a final ruling on birthright citizenship

The administration is asking for the court orders to be reined in, not overturned entirely, and spends little time defending the executive order. The Justice Department argues that there has been an “explosion” in the number of nationwide injunctions issued since Trump retook the White House. The far-reaching court orders violate the law as well as long-standing views on a judge’s authority, Solicitor General D. John Sauer wrote on behalf of the administration.

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Courts typically deal only with the parties before them. Even class actions reach only the people who are part of a class certified by a judge, though those can affect millions of people, Sauer wrote.

Nationwide injunctions, by contrast, have no limits and can even include parties who oppose what the court orders are designed to protect, he wrote. As an example, Sauer pointed to Republican-led states that favor the administration’s position but are subject to the nationwide injunctions.

But the justices may well ask about Trump’s executive order and perhaps even tip their hand.

Lawyers for the states and immigrants argue that this is an odd issue for the court to use to limit judges’ authority because courts have uniformly found that Trump’s order likely violates the Constitution. Limiting the number of people who are protected by the rulings would create a confusing patchwork of rules in which new restrictions on citizenship could temporarily take effect in 27 states. That means a child born in a state that is challenging Trump’s order would be a citizen, but a child born at the same time elsewhere would not, the lawyers said.

Arguments over emergency appeals are rare

The Supreme Court almost always takes up the underlying substance of a dispute, not an emergency appeal of court orders issued early in a legal case.

The main argument against the court deciding too much on the emergency, or shadow, docket is that the justices are intervening too early in the process, sometimes before lower courts have had much to say or the legal arguments are fully developed.

Last year, the justices heard arguments in emergency appeals, then blocked the Environmental Protection Agency’s air pollution-fighting “good neighbor” plan, which aimed to restrict smokestack emissions from power plants and other industrial sources that burden downwind areas with smog-causing pollution.

Two years earlier, the court delivered a split decision that allowed rules requiring COVID-19 vaccines for health care workers but not for employees of large companies.