By HANNAH FINGERHUT

DES MOINES, Iowa (AP) — Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds on Wednesday rejected a bill that could have introduced more complications for a massive carbon-capture pipeline project routed across several Midwestern states, issuing a rare veto in the Republican-controlled statehouse.

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The legislation was designed by Iowa House Republicans to increase regulations of Summit Carbon Solutions’ estimated $8.9 billion, 2,500-mile project that cuts across Iowa and already has an approved permit in the state.

But the bill provoked loud opposition from members of Iowa’s powerful ethanol industry, which argued the project is essential for Iowa’s agricultural dominance, for farmers and for construction jobs. And it exposed a rift within the party over how to protect property rights.

“While I shared the bill’s goal of protecting landowners, good policy should draw clear, careful lines. This bill doesn’t,” said Reynolds, a Republican, in the explanation of her veto. “It combines valid concerns with vague legal standards and sweeping mandates that reach far beyond their intended targets.”

Despite her veto, Reynolds said she was “committed to working with the legislature to strengthen landowner protections, modernize permitting, and respect private property.”

Iowa state Rep. Bobby Kaufmann, a Republican who supported the bill in the House, said Wednesday that her commitment is too little, too late.

“If she was willing to work with us on this, where in the world has she been the last three years?” Kaufmann said. “She is clearly not siding with the constitutional rights of landowners but rather she’s siding with special interests.”

Summit faces obstacles in several states

Summit has said it has invested nearly $175 million to enter into voluntary agreements with landowners in Iowa and more than $1 billion on the project overall. In a statement, Summit thanked the governor for a thoughtful review of the bill and said their goal is to proceed with voluntary agreements with landowners.

Even with the relief from Reynolds’ veto, Summit will likely have to readjust plans after South Dakota’s governor signed a ban on the use of eminent domain — the government seizure of private property with compensation — to acquire land for carbon dioxide pipelines. Summit’s permit application was also rejected in South Dakota.

Iowans that rely on the state’s ethanol industry rally at the statehouse in Des Moines on Friday, May 9, 2025 to voice support for a massive carbon-capture pipeline project routed across several Midwest states. (AP Photo/Hannah Fingerhut)

The project has permit approvals in Iowa, Minnesota and North Dakota but faces various court challenges.

The Iowa bill would have prohibited the renewal of permits for a carbon dioxide pipeline, limited the use of such a pipeline to 25 years and significantly increased the insurance coverage requirements for the pipeline company.

Those provisions would likely have made it less financially feasible for a company to build a carbon dioxide pipeline.

“We look forward to continued discussions with state leaders as we advance this important project,” Summit said Wednesday. “At a time when farmers are facing increasing pressures, this project opens the door to new markets and helps strengthen America’s energy dominance for the long term.”

Rift in Republican-controlled statehouse

Republican House Speaker Pat Grassley said after Reynolds’ veto that he would pursue a special session to vote on an override, saying in a statement that the veto “is a major setback for Iowa.”

The Iowa Constitution states that a request for special session from two-thirds of both chambers, or the governor, can bring lawmakers back to Des Moines. Two-thirds of both chambers would need to vote for an override for the bill to become law without the governor’s approval.

“We will not stop fighting and stand firm on our commitment until landowners’ in Iowa are protected against Eminent Domain for private gain,” Grassley said.

Senate Majority Leader Jack Whitver suggested that would be unlikely in his chamber. Thirteen Republican senators had joined with 14 Democrats in voting in favor of the bill, but 21 Republicans and one Democrat voted against it.

“Based on the votes on that bill in the Iowa Senate, a significant majority of our caucus supports a better policy to protect landowner rights. I expect that majority of our caucus would not be interested in any attempt to override her veto,” he said.

As the legislative session wound down, a dozen Republican senators insisted their leaders bring the House-approved bill to the floor for a vote after several years of inaction. The stalemate ended in a long and divisive debate among the Iowa Senate’s Republican supermajority, with senators openly criticizing one another and exposing the closed-door discussions that got them there.

Summit’s project and its critics

The Summit pipeline was proposed to carry carbon emissions from ethanol plants in Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, North Dakota and South Dakota to be stored underground permanently in North Dakota.

By lowering carbon emissions from the plants, the pipeline would lower their carbon intensity scores and make them more competitive in the renewable fuels market.

The project would also allow ethanol producers and Summit to tap into federal tax credits.

Iowans in red shirts speak to reporters at the statehouse in Des Moines, Iowa, Friday, May 9, 2025 to reiterate their opposition to a massive carbon-capture pipeline project routed across several Midwest states. (AP Photo/Hannah Fingerhut)

The pipeline’s many critics have for years begged lawmakers for action. They accuse Summit of stepping on their property rights and downplaying the safety risks of building the pipeline alongside family homes, near schools and across ranches.

Lee Enterprises and The Associated Press reviewed hundreds of cases that reveal the great legal lengths the company went to to get the project built. In South Dakota, in particular, a slew of eminent domain legal actions to obtain land sparked a groundswell of opposition that was closely watched by lawmakers in Iowa as well.

A group of landowners released a statement Wednesday calling the veto a slap in the face.

“Big money, greed & self interest won the day,” said Jan Norris, a landowner in southwest Iowa whose neighbor is in the pipeline’s route. “Our property rights are for sale to the highest bidder.”

Two people are federally charged with possession of machine guns after gun violence at high school graduations in the Twin Cities, the U.S. Attorney’s Office of Minnesota announced Wednesday.

Hamza Abdirashid Said, 20, of Coon Rapids, was already charged in Hennepin County in a May 30 shooting at the University of Minnesota after the Wayzata High School graduation that injured two people.

Hamza Abdirashiid Said, left, and Amiir Mawlid Ali. (Courtesy of the Sherburne County Sheriff’s Office)

Separately, police arrested Amiir Mawlid Ali,18, of Circle Pines, after shots were fired after the Burnsville High School graduation on Friday. He is not charged in the shooting.

On June 3, Minneapolis police pulled over a vehicle and found a firearm under Ali’s seat, according to the charge. The gun had “a machine gun conversion device, also known as a switch,” according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.

“High school graduation ceremonies are a rite of passage,” Acting U.S. Attorney for Minnesota Joseph Thompson said in a statement. “A time for friends and family to come together to celebrate one of life’s major milestones. To bring machineguns and violence to such a ceremony is immoral and shameful.”

U of M shooting

At about 8 p.m. May 30, police responded to a shooting outside 3M Arena at Mariucci at the University of Minnesota. Two people who’d attended the Wayzata High School graduation ceremony had been shot.

Surveillance video showed “several males in a verbal altercation,” according to a law enforcement affidavit in the federal case against Said. One of them “withdrew a handgun and appeared to fire, causing bystanders to duck and run from the area.”

A 49-year-old man heard gunshots, and was shot “as he and his family attempted to escape the shooting,” the affidavit said.

The man was shot in the head, and sustained a fractured skull and brain bleed. He’s been released from the hospital.

Officers found a 19-year-old in a nearby vehicle who had a gunshot wound to his leg. He “was uncooperative when asked for information about the shooting,” the affidavit said.

Police took Said into custody in the area. He had several fresh cuts and injuries to his elbows and wrists. He did not provide a statement to law enforcement.

Said was seen on surveillance video and appeared to toss an item into a bush, the affidavit said.

Police found a 9mm semiautomatic pistol with a high-capacity extended magazine and equipped with a switch. The switch allows “the firearm to be fired as a fully automatic weapon by a single function of the trigger,” the affidavit continued.

Burnsville HS shots fired

On June 3 about 3:45 p.m., Minneapolis officers pulled over a vehicle. Ali was the front seat passenger. An officer “knew from prior investigations that Ali was associated with multiple recent gang-related shootings,” said the affidavit in his case.

Officers asked if there were firearms or weapons in the vehicle. The occupants “all hesitated before replying, ‘No,’” the affidavit said. “Officers observed Ali repeatedly looking down at the passenger floorboard area and moving objects at his feet.”

The people in the vehicle said they were heading to the Edina High School graduation at the University of Minnesota. “Officers were aware of a shooting that occurred at the Wayzata High School graduation ceremony at the same location just four days earlier,” the affidavit said.

Police removed the people from the vehicle for officer safety, and an officer “easily observed” a firearm under the seat where Ali had been sitting. The 10 mm semiautomatic pistol was equipped with a switch and a loaded, 33-round extended magazine with a round in the chamber.

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Ali did not give a statement to law enforcement. He was released from the Hennepin County jail last Thursday.

The next day, he was among four people arrested after gunshots were fired after the Burnsville High School graduation ceremony. No one was injured in that case.

Two people were charged in Dakota County. A case against Ali, who was arrested on a warrant, was not presented to the Dakota County Attorney’s Office for charging consideration.

Both Said and Ali are charged with unlawful possession of a machinegun. They made their initial court appearances in federal court Tuesday and remained detained.

An attorney could not be reached for comment for either of the men.

The high school league is officially sponsoring boys volleyball for the first time this season, but Minnesota’s brand of volleyball is hardly for beginners. And the cream has risen to the top for the first state tournament.

That was on full display on Wednesday at the University of St. Thomas, where two club-fed powers — No. 2 seed Eastview and No. 3 seed Rogers — ran into one another in the semifinals.

After dropping the first set, Rogers ran the table to advance 22-25, 25-22, 25-23, 25-19. But it was far from easy.

Between them, the teams had dropped only 20 sets all season. The Royals (27-1) haven’t lost a match since dropping their season opener to St. Michael-Albertville.

Senior Grant Anderson had game-highs of 20 kills and 45 total attacks, and junior teammate Owen Pierson added 13 kills and 30 total attacks as the Royals advanced to Thursday afternoon’s championship game against the winner of the evening match between Eden Prairie and Spring Lake Park.

It was an impressive display of power from the two outside hitters.

“One of my favorite things is just to hit the ball as hard as I can,” Pierson said.

Sometimes that’s hard to do in a tight match for fear of making an error. Not so for Pierson.

“I don’t really know how to explain it,” he said. “It’s just like I go up to jump and my mind’s just blank. All I have in there is to hit the ball hard and get a kill.”

Collin Nathan, a junior with a big left-hand swing, had six of his 15 kills in the first set to help put Eastview (28-4) up early. Runs were few and far between, and leads changed hands in each set.

“Games like those, it’s so hard to build momentum for yourself, so it’s all about keeping a level head and, when they get going, try to find ways to bring them back down to normalcy,” Nathan said. “I think they did a little bit better job of just staying consistent — hyped up, energized and just being on the attack. We were kind of on the defense a little bit.”

The Lightning will play the loser of the evening match on Thursday for third place.

“Obviously, it stings to lose and not go to the championship game,” Eastview outside hitter Owen Kunisaki said. “There wasn’t anyone on our team that wasn’t trying his best; they just executed a little better than we did today.”

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The White House recently issued an executive order titled “Strengthening and Unleashing America’s Law Enforcement to Pursue Criminals and Protect Innocent Citizens.”

Claiming that local leaders “demonize” law enforcement and shackle it with “political handcuffs,” the order directs resources toward expanded police training, higher pay and increased prison security and capacity. It also instructs the attorney general, secretary of Defense, and secretary of Homeland Security to “increase the provision of excess military and national security assets in local jurisdictions to assist State and local law enforcement.”

While this may sound reasonable, extending military equipment and tactics to civilian policing may do more harm than good. Most critically, it would further blur the line between police and military — two institutions designed for fundamentally different purposes.

Since the nation’s founding, laws have aimed to separate the roles of police and military. The police are civilian peacekeepers. They are expected to protect the rights of all individuals they encounter — victims and suspects alike — and to use force only as a last resort.

The military, in contrast, is trained for war: to engage and destroy enemies. Proactive, often violent engagement with enemy combatants is part of the job.

I’ve written elsewhere about how this separation has eroded over time, largely because of U.S. foreign policy efforts such as the war on drugs and the war on terror. The tools and tactics developed for campaigns abroad inevitably find their way home. What begins with foreign targets ends up being applied domestically — turning American citizens into targets. These “ enemies” are often vaguely defined or not identifiable at all.

Consequently, local police have been recast as front-line warriors. Given this shift, they have adopted the tools and strategies of war.

It is not difficult to find clear examples. Consider the development of Special Weapons and Tactics, or SWAT, teams. Originating in the Los Angeles Police Department, SWAT units were modeled after elite military units used in Vietnam. By 1982, roughly 60% of U.S. police departments had SWAT teams. Just a decade later, nearly 90% did, with an estimated 50,000 to 80,000 SWAT deployments annually. Many have resulted in botched raids, injury or death to civilians and officers, and the destruction of property.

It’s not just tactics — it’s gear too. In 1981, Congress passed the Military Cooperation With Law Enforcement Act, allowing the Department of Defense to share intelligence with and advise local police. It also permitted the transfer of military equipment to local agencies to enforce drug, customs and immigration laws. The Pentagon approved roughly 10,000 requests within three years.

In 1990, Congress expanded these efforts with the 1208 Program, later replaced in 1997 by the 1033 Program. This program continues to funnel military-grade equipment to local agencies. Thousands of departments have received items ranging from armored vehicles to assault rifles to bayonets.

A critical flaw in the 1033 Program is its “ use it or lose it” provision: Agencies must use the equipment or return it. This creates a dangerous incentive to deploy military-grade gear even when unnecessary.

Oversight is minimal. Take the use of cell-site simulators, or “ Stingrays,” which mimic cell towers to extract identifying data from nearby phones. Initially used by the military to track foreign terrorists, the devices are now used by local law enforcement to monitor domestic suspects. These tools don’t just collect data from suspects — they sweep up information from anyone in the vicinity, generating obvious concerns regarding the Fourth Amendment’s ban on unreasonable searches.

Worse, local agencies often sign nondisclosure agreements with federal agencies, shielding their use of this technology from public scrutiny. As a result, there’s little transparency regarding how these devices are deployed — or against whom.

Beyond tactics and technology, military influence has also shaped police culture. Officers now routinely describe their beats as “battlefields.” Many departments promote the “warrior mindset,” teaching officers to view themselves as combatants rather than community servants.

We all want safe communities. But this executive order is not the path to achieving them. Instead, it promises more of the same: continued erosion of the civilian character of policing and a steady march toward militarized law enforcement.

Abigail R. Hall, a senior fellow at the Independent Institute in Oakland and an associate professor of economics at the University of Tampa, is a co-author of “How to Run Wars: A Confidential Playbook for the National Security Elite.”