The Arc Doesn’t Bend Itself

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Editor’s Note: The following is adapted from the introduction to The Texas Civil Rights Project: How We Built a Social Justice Movement by Jim Harrington, who in 1990 founded the groundbreaking nonprofit from which the book takes its title and led the group for the next 25 years. © 2025, published with permission from the University of Texas Press.

Some people along the way have called me a “badass.” I never aspired to be a badass and usually don’t think of myself as one. For me, my career was all about being a zealous advocate for people who are poor, disenfranchised, and oppressed. What matters is their lives, their stories, their histories, their hope, and walking alongside them on the journey toward justice. 

Being part of any movement for justice, I admit, is pretty badass. That is certainly true of the Texas Civil Rights Project (TCRP) and the people with whom we collaborated. One colleague, herself a fervent activist, made her own assessment by gifting me with a pair of bright-red professional boxing gloves, which I hung from the bookcase behind my desk.

My part in TCRP is not small, but my aim is to focus the lens on what the community and TCRP did together for greater equity. TCRP always strove to focus on those for whom we advocated. Our goal was to be part of the valiant team, not its captain, making justice. Everyone helped carry the ball. I was lucky to be a player.

TCRP took guidance from individuals and grassroots organizations trying to better the lives of those around them. We did our best to be their protector, advocate, and servant leader, to take direction from them and not the other way around.

Law is a tool, not an end in itself. Justice is the goal of all human rights undertakings—everything in “right relationship,” as the philosophers and Scriptures put it. Right relationship is not status quo and does not appear on the scene without arduous struggle and fundamental social readjustment. Right relationship means the people have power, all the people.

Two memories about keeping law in perspective always stayed on my mind as an attorney. One is a meeting between the labor leader César Chávez and a dozen prospective volunteer lawyers on a chilly Saturday morning in a small vacant rural house in the Rio Grande Valley in December 1976. The local United Farm Workers (UFW) branch was beginning to reorganize.

There were the customary polite handshakes and warm greetings. We all were in awe of César, of course. He was our hero. After the pleasantries, we finally sat down on old folding chairs in a circle filling out the small, empty living room of the unheated house.

César started the meeting with generous thanks and then before long made a seemingly impolitic comment, which only he could get away with, that he did not like working with most lawyers. They spent too much time telling him how various laws impeded the UFW from doing something. He wanted lawyers who would figure out how to do something when the law was an obstacle and assist the movement when the law needed bending. That memory stuck and represented for me the UFW mantra: ¡Sí, se puede! “Yes, it can be done!”

That became the TCRP mantra, too. We turned it into a verb to better convey its message: how to creatively use the law, how to think outside the box, so that the law could help, not hinder, those we served. How to sí-se-puede.

From then until his death eighteen years later, it was my privilege to represent César and the UFW in Texas and learn from him. He was a brilliant strategist at using litigation hand-in-glove with organizing. He could be charming in person with audiences but also fierce in summoning people to action. He was like a grandfather with our young kids at breakfast when he stayed overnight. He would sit at the end of the table while they were eating their cereal before leaving for the school bus and chat them up about school, what they liked, favorite class—the regular questions. He was always smiling and laughing with them.

The second memory is a pithy summary of César’s point: a wizened migrant farm laborer and dogged UFW organizer, Baltazar “Don Balta” Saldaña, expressing gleefully a few times that “we have a lawyer on our side.” He knew from experience how essential that was for any gritty organizing and hard-fought social action to join forces with a legal team.

Don Balta, as we respectfully called him, had lost his right hand in a farm accident but could still outwork any two other people. His sons and daughters, now young adults, had the same labor ethic and dedication to the movement. They migrated from McAllen to California’s fields, a broiling 1,800-mile desert drive, every year for much of their lives and were proud huelguistas (UFW strikers), whenever César needed them.

TCRP was unique in being the only community-based civil rights organization of its kind in Texas, perhaps the country. We lived under a hybrid model, blending statewide or national impact litigation with on-the-ground community legal assistance. Our emphasis was on developing and protecting human rights in Texas. Our assistance came without cost to those who needed it. Our only regret was that we had the capacity to help only about five percent of those who sought us out, such was the need.

As time barreled on, I saw more clearly that people’s struggles today lived in the struggles of those who went before. Today’s struggles, like theirs, help bend the long arc of the moral universe a bit more toward justice, as Martin Luther King Jr. envisioned. The arc doesn’t bend itself. Progress is slow, excruciatingly slow, and requires robust hope to hold greed, corruption, and power in check and help bring about their great reversal.

For me, our responsibility is not just to our community and grandkids, who follow us into a life we try to make better for them. We have a weighty duty to continue the arc-bending of the many who preceded us and who lived with the hope that we would carry forward their struggle against oppression, resisting the vortex of evil. This is how we keep faith with our inheritance from them.

Many sacrificed to get us where we are today. Many were killed, lynched (some in obscene spectacle fashion), burned, mutilated, lost jobs, and endured much, trusting that we would take the torch from them, run a marathon or two with it, and then pass the torch to the next group of runners. And no time to do a pit stop for handwringing.

I tried to work and live closely with the people I served. Bryan Stevenson of the Equal Justice Initiative calls this “getting proximate” on issues of race and injustice. Being proximate is as much a learning encounter as a sharing experience. In so many ways, they propelled my growth as a person and taught me much about human rights as a way of life and not just a cause.

Getting proximate, I believed, included being content with a lower salary than one might expect even for a nonprofit group. It was a good reminder of the financial stress most people face daily, which often alters the direction of their lives. If someone’s car broke down, they didn’t have to call. We depended on friends and neighbors to help fix the vehicle. Getting proximate also meant not expecting a standard forty-hour workweek.

Few were the days I did not wake up in the morning, grateful and honored to be at the people’s side. And when the work was harder than usual and the brick wall almost impenetrable, I took inspiration from them.

For those with and for whom I worked, with humility and gratitude, I offer this recollection of an era that destiny let me share with them. And that’s pretty badass.

The post The Arc Doesn’t Bend Itself appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Court rules Lisa Cook can remain a Fed governor while fighting Trump’s attempt to fire her

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By CHRISTOPHER RUGABER and LINDSAY WHITEHURST, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — A federal court has ruled that embattled Federal Reserve Gov. Lisa Cook can remain in her position while she fights President Donald Trump’s efforts to fire her.

The ruling, which will almost certainly be appealed, is a blow to the Trump administration’s efforts to assert more control over the traditionally independent Fed, which sets short-term interest rates to achieve its congressionally mandated goals of stable prices and maximum employment. Congress has also sought to insulate the Fed from day-to-day politics.

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U.S. District Judge Jia Cobb late Tuesday granted Cook’s request for a preliminary injunction blocking her firing while the dispute makes its way through the courts. Cobb ruled that Cook would likely prevail in the lawsuit she filed late last month to overturn her firing.

Trump, a Republican, said he was firing Cook on Aug. 25 over allegations raised by one of his appointees that she committed mortgage fraud related to two properties she purchased in Ann Arbor, Michigan, and Atlanta in 2021, before she joined the Fed. Cook is accused of saying the properties were “primary residences,” which could have resulted in lower down payments and mortgage rates than if either was designated a second home or investment property.

The White House insisted Trump had the right to fire Cook.

“President Trump lawfully removed Lisa Cook for cause due to credible allegations of mortgage fraud from her highly sensitive position overseeing financial institutions on the Federal Reserve Board of Governors,” White House spokesman Kush Desai said Wednesday in a statement. “This ruling will not be the last say on the matter, and the Trump Administration will continue to work to restore accountability and confidence in the Fed.”

But Cobb ruled that the allegations likely weren’t sufficient legal cause to fire Cook. Under the law governing the Fed, governors can only be removed “for cause,” which Cobb said was limited to actions taken during a governor’s time in office.

The “removal of a Federal Reserve Governor extends only to concerns about the Board member’s ability to effectively and faithfully execute their statutory duties, in light of events that have occurred while they are in office,” Cobb wrote. Cobb was appointed by President Joe Biden, a Democrat.

“President Trump has not stated a legally permissible cause for Cook’s removal,” the ruling added.

The decision means Cook will be able to participate in the Fed’s meeting Sept. 16-17, when it is expected to reduce its key short-term rate by a quarter-point to between 4% and 4.25%.

Federal Reserve governors aren’t like cabinet secretaries and the law doesn’t allow a president to fire them over policy disagreements or because he simply wants to replace them. Congress sought to insulate the Fed from political pressure, the court noted, by giving Fed governors long, staggered terms that make it unlikely a president can appoint a majority of the board in a single term.

“Allowing the President to unlawfully remove Governor Cook on unsubstantiated and vague allegations would endanger the stability of our financial system and undermine the rule of law,” Cook’s lawyer, Abbe Lowell, said in a written statement. “Governor Cook will continue to carry out her sworn duties as a Senate-confirmed Board Governor.”

The court also directed the Fed’s board of governors and its chair, Jerome Powell, “to allow Cook to continue to operate as a member of the Board for the pendency of this litigation.”

Lowell had argued in court filings that Cook was entitled to a hearing and a chance to respond to the charges before being fired but was not provided either. The court agreed that she was not provided due process by the Trump administration. Her lawsuit denied the charges but did not provide more details.

The case could become a turning point for the 112-year-old Federal Reserve. No president has sought to fire a Fed governor before. Economists prefer independent central banks because they can do unpopular things like lifting interest rates to combat inflation more easily than elected officials.

Many economists worry that if the Fed falls under the control of the White House, it will keep its key interest rate lower than justified by economic fundamentals to satisfy Trump’s demands for cheaper borrowing. That could accelerate inflation and could also push up longer-term interest rates, such as those on mortgages and car loans. Investors may demand a higher yield to own bonds to offset greater inflation in the future, lifting borrowing costs for the U.S. government, and the entire economy.

If Trump can replace Cook, he may be able to gain a 4-3 majority on the Fed’s governing board. Trump appointed two board members during his first term and has nominated a key White House economic adviser, Stephen Miran, to replace Adriana Kugler, another Fed governor who stepped down unexpectedly Aug. 1. The Senate Banking Committee is scheduled to vote Wednesday on Miran’s nomination.

Trump has said he will only appoint to the Fed people who will support lower rates.

Trump has repeatedly attacked Powell and the other members of the Fed’s interest-rate setting committee for not cutting the short-term interest rate they control more quickly. It currently stands at 4.3%, after Fed policymakers reduced it by a full percentage point late last year. Trump has said he thinks it should be as low as 1.3%, a level that no Fed official and few economists support.

Powell recently signaled that the central bank was leaning toward cutting its rate at its meeting next week.

Cook is the first Black woman to serve as a Fed governor. She was a Marshall Scholar and received degrees from Oxford University and Spelman College, and prior to joining the board she taught at Michigan State University and Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government.

AP writer Will Weissert contributed to this report.

Trump’s strike on alleged Venezuelan drug boat raises questions about his use of military power

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By LISA MASCARO, Associated Press Congressional Correspondent

WASHINGTON (AP) — Within a week of Donald Trump’s election, Sen. Lindsey Graham counseled the president-elect to quickly send a message to the drug cartels from the White House.

“Blow up something,” Graham told Trump.

U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham, speaks at a press conference in Tel Aviv, Israel, Thursday, Aug. 28, 2025. (AP Photo/Ohad Zwigenberg)

The brazen military strike on a suspected drug-smuggling speedboat carrying 11 people from Venezuela this month is just what the South Carolina senator had in mind. But it has cleaved fresh divisions within the Republican Party over Trump’s campaign promise to keep the U.S. out of foreign entanglements and the reality of a commander in chief whose America First agenda is pursuing a tougher military stance.

And it’s raising stark questions about just how far Trump intends to wield his presidential power over the U.S. military without a robust check on the executive branch from Congress.

Already, Trump has dropped 30,000-pound bombs on Iran’s nuclear sites without any new authorizations from Capitol Hill. He deployed the military to Los Angeles over the objections of California’s Democratic governor and wants the National Guard in other cities, too. Trump’s allies pressured senators to confirm Pete Hegseth as defense secretary despite objections to his past behavior and skepticism of “warrior culture” at the Pentagon. And last week Trump rebranded the Department of Defense as the Department of War.

“I don’t care whether it’s a Republican president or a Democrat president,” said Republican Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky, once a Trump rival for the White House. “We can’t just want to kill people without having some kind of process.”

“We’re just going to blow up ships? That just isn’t who we are,” Paul said.

‘Killing cartel members’

The Trump administration, and the president himself, have said the lethal strike on the vessel from Venezuela was intended to make it clear that the U.S. would not tolerate drugs being shipped into this country. They said those killed on the boat in the Caribbean included members of the Tren de Aragua gang, which operates from Venezuela, though details have been scarce.

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“Killing cartel members who poison our fellow citizens is the highest and best use of our military,” Vice President JD Vance posted on social media.

When a prominent commenter suggested that killing civilians without due process would be a war crime, Vance replied that he didn’t care “what you call it.”

Paul, the senator, responded to Vance with his own questions.

“Did he ever read To Kill a Mockingbird?” Paul wrote. “Did he ever wonder what might happen if the accused were immediately executed without trial or representation??

“What a despicable and thoughtless sentiment it is to glorify killing someone without a trial.”

A bipartisan briefing on the matter for the Senate’s top national security staff was abruptly canceled last week. And Tuesday’s rescheduled session left many questions unanswered.

‘There’s a legal way to do that’

The Trump administration did not explain its authority for the strike and would not provide legal opinion, according to a person familiar with the briefing who insisted on anonymity because it was closed.

“Where is the legality here?” said Sen. Mark Kelly, D-Ariz., a former Navy combat pilot and astronaut.

“I understand the need for us to be able to take out drug dealers from being able to deliver drugs into the United States,” he said. “There’s a legal way to do that.”

But Kelly said he worries for the military officers involved with the mission. “What situation did we, did the White House, just put them in?” he said. “I don’t know if this was legal or not.”

What Venezuela had to say

After Trump announced the strike, Venezuelan state television showed Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and first lady Cilia Flores walking the streets of his childhood neighborhood. A television presenter said Maduro was “bathing in patriotic love” as he interacted with supporters.

Maduro did not immediately address the strike directly but charged that the United States was “coming for Venezuela’s riches,” including the world’s largest proven oil reserves.

Trump’s national security vision and the power to enact it

Republicans have been shifting their national security priorities since Trump’s first term moved the GOP away from its traditional mooring as a party with a muscular approach to confronting adversaries and assisting allies abroad.

Trump’s America First approach initially launched a new era of U.S. neo-isolationism more aligned with the libertarian-leaning Paul than traditional defense hawks like Graham.

But in his second term, Trump is testing not his national security vision but his power to enact it.

President Donald Trump speaks to reporters before he enters a restaurant near the White House, Tuesday, Sept. 9, 2025, in Washington, to have dinner with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Vice President JD Vance. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

Sen. Jim Risch of Idaho, the Republican chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said he is “extremely confident” that the target of the boat bombing was “a group of narco-terrorists.”

“I can’t tell you how many lives were saved by the president of the United States when he pulled the trigger on that,” Risch said Tuesday. “There were tons of drugs that went down with that that would’ve wound up right here in the USA.”

Gesturing to the Supreme Court building across from the Capitol, GOP Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri said he believes the president’s actions fall under his Article II authority, since the administration said the drugs were heading to the U.S.

“My gut intuition is it’s within the president’s commander in chief powers,” Hawley said.

Briefing for lawmakers

But Sen. Jack Reed of Rhode Island, the top Democrat on the Senate Armed Services Committee, called for lawmakers to receive a full briefing from the Trump administration, including the legal rationale for the military strike.

If the president exceeded his authority, then the Senate must consider all remedies available, including limiting the use of funds for further unauthorized military operations, he said. “We cannot risk the life of American servicemembers based on secret orders and dubious legal theories,” Reed said.

Graham, a former judge advocate general, or JAG, officer in the Navy, recalled his advice as Trump prepared to return to the White House.

“Whether it’s a lab, I don’t care if it’s in Mexico, I don’t care where it is,” Graham recalled. “I said, ‘Look for a target that changes the game.’”

Asked if the strike on the Venezuelan boat was it, Graham said: “Works for me.”

Associated Press writers Joey Cappelletti, Mary Clare Jalonick and Kevin Freking contributed to this report.

EU chief says it’s time for Europe’s ‘independence moment’ faced with war and major power tensions

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By LORNE COOK, Associated Press

BRUSSELS (AP) — The European Union’s most powerful official warned Wednesday that Europe is battling against a series of threats posed by Russia, new global trade challenges and even other major world powers and must stake claim to its independence.

In a State of the Union speech, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced new measures to help Ukraine fight off Russia’s full-scale invasion, and she called for trade restrictions and sanctions on Israel over the war in Gaza.

She also defended the deal she reached with U.S. President Donald Trump to limit the impact of his global tariff war, despite agreeing to a 15% duty rate for most European exports to the United States.

Fight for values

“Europe is in a fight,” von der Leyen told EU lawmakers in Strasbourg, France. “A fight for our values and our democracies. A fight for our liberty and our ability to determine our destiny for ourselves. Make no mistake — this is a fight for our future.”

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen gestures as she delivers a major state of the union speech at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, eastern France, Wednesday, Sept. 10, 2025. (AP Photo/Pascal Bastien)

“Battle lines for a new world order based on power are being drawn right now,” she said, adding that the EU “must fight for its place in a world in which many major powers are either ambivalent or openly hostile to Europe.”

“This must be Europe’s independence moment,” said the 66-year-old former German defense minister, who has become a prominent figure at summits with leaders around the world, despite her role as a political appointee who hasn’t been elected to office.

The commission is the EU’s executive arm. It proposes laws that impact the lives of around 450 million people across 27 countries, and monitors whether those rules are respected.

In recent years, it has helped Europe to survive fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic, break its dependency on Russian energy supplies and cope with a trade war launched by a traditional ally like the U.S.

Russian aggression

Turning to Russia’s war on Ukraine, now in its fourth year, von der Leyen said that Russian President Vladimir Putin shows no sign of ending the war, and that “our response must be clear too.”

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“We need more pressure on Russia to come to the negotiation table. We need more sanctions,” she said. The commission and EU member countries are working on a new raft of sanctions targeting Russia’s energy revenues.

Poland said Wednesday that multiple Russian drones entered its territory over the course of several hours and were shot down with help from NATO allies.

Von der Leyen condemned the “reckless and unprecedented violation of Poland and Europe’s airspace.”

“Europe stands in full solidarity with Poland,” she said. “Putin’s message is clear, and our response must be clear, too. We need more pressure on Russia to come to the negotiation table. We need more sanctions.”

Ukraine’s economy

Von der Leyen also said that new ways to address Ukraine’s financial challenges must also come through the use of frozen Russian assets in Europe. Almost $235 billion worth of those assets are being held in a Belgian clearing house.

Interest earned on the assets – around $4.1 billion were generated last year – are already being used to help prop up Ukraine’s war-ravaged economy. Von der Leyen said that a “reparations loan” for damage inflicted by Russia is being weighed.

She also announced the creation of a “drone alliance” with Ukraine – drones have become a decisive factor in the war – with $7 billion in funds for the effort.

Freezing support to Israel

To applause in the parliament, the commission chief said that she wants to freeze some financial support to Israel, and to impose trade restrictions and sanctions on the government over the war in Gaza.

Breaking with her traditionally very strong pro-Israeli government stance, von der Leyen said that the events in Gaza and the suffering of children and families “has shaken the conscience of the world.”

“Man-made famine can never be a weapon of war. For the sake of the children, for the sake of humanity. This must stop,” she said. She added that the commission will set up a new Palestinian donor group, with a focus on Gaza’s future reconstruction.

U.S. tariff deal

Addressing criticism of the tariff deal with Trump, von der Leyen underlined that Europe depends on the United States as a major trading partner, and that the position of European businesses was improved compared to other countries that got a worse deal.

“Millions of jobs depend on” that relationship, she said. “And as president of the commission, I will never gamble with people’s jobs and livelihoods.”

FILE- President Donald Trump and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen shake hands after reaching a trade deal at the Trump Turnberry golf course in Turnberry, Scotland Sunday, July 27, 2025. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin, File)