Downtown St. Paul Afro Deli moves across street; Pino’s Pizzeria to take its place

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In a downtown St. Paul switcheroo of sorts, Afro Deli has moved across the street to the Treasure Island Center building. And Pino’s Pizzeria, a longtime skyway staple popular with downtown workers, will move into Afro Deli’s former space on West Seventh Place.

Afro Deli’s new space “offers an enhanced dining experience with improved facilities and extended operating hours,” according to a news release.

The restaurant will be open until 8 p.m., which means dinner is an option for residents and event-goers.

Pino Lipari, center, owner of Pino’s Pizzeria, located in the Alliance Bank Center in downtown St. Paul, serves up pizza to his lunchtime crowd on Tuesday, March 11, 2025. Commercial tenants in the building were notified late Monday by owner Madison Equities that they should vacate the premises as the building will lose all heating, cooling and electricity on Wednesday. (John Autey / Pioneer Press)

There are signs up at Afro Deli’s former space announcing the imminent opening of Pino’s Pizzeria, but a peek inside shows there’s a bit of work to be done. A July 4 social media post from the restaurant says it will open very soon.

Pino’s, which operated in St. Paul’s skyway for 30 years, has been closed since March, when tenants of the beleaguered Alliance Bank Building were told to vacate the premises, as heating, cooling and electricity would be turned off.

Afro Deli is celebrating its 10th year in St. Paul. Its website has been updated with the following:

“As we settle into our new space, we’re dreaming about all the possibilities ahead. More community events, new menu items we’ve been excited to try, and countless more years of serving the St. Paul family that’s embraced us so completely.

“Thank you for 10 amazing years. Thank you for growing with us, supporting us, and making us feel like we truly belong in this incredible city. Here’s to many more years of great food, warm community, and the flavors that bring us all together.”

Afro Deli: 400 N. Wabasha St. #200, St. Paul; 651-888-2168; afrodeli.com

Pino’s Pizzeria: 1 W. Seventh Place, St. Paul; orderpinos.com

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‘What if we stay in Mexico?’ With chances in the US dashed, migrants make new lives south of border

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The plan had always been to seek asylum in the U.S.

But somewhere on the journey between their home in El Salvador and the northern Mexico border, Wilver Arteaga and his family realized there was no way.

The strong rhetoric around President Donald Trump’s immigration policies was becoming reality, and on his first day in office, he shut down the legal appointment process for migrants to be screened for asylum.

Arteaga, 40, and his wife used to be security guards. They were rule-followers. It was time to come up with a backup plan.

They are now among the nearly 20,000 refugees or asylum seekers living in Baja California — most of them in Tijuana.

Wilver Arteaga comforts his 3-year-old son while walking back to a shelter on April 11 in Tijuana. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

“When that legal option was no longer available, I resigned myself,” he said.

Tijuana has always been a place of waiting for migrants. It’s one of the main entry points to the U.S. for thousands arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border, many of whom are seeking asylum. However, faced with increasingly severe roadblocks to crossing into the U.S., whether legally or illegally, the sprawling border city has lately become a place to call home.

From January to May, 901 people filed for asylum in Baja California, according to data shared by the Baja California office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

The largest monthly jump in applications took place from January to February, nearly tripling from 124 to 331, following the Trump administration’s shutdown of the CBP One asylum appointment process. Under the Biden administration, this step was required for asylum seekers to legally present themselves for screening at a U.S. port of entry.

“Tijuana is an appealing place for asylum seekers and refugees,” said Dagmara Mejía, head of the UNHCR office in Baja California and Sonora. “There are jobs available, and the pay is good. People also say that they don’t feel discriminated against here, and there’s a solid network of people who have settled here and spread the word.”

There are also challenges, including a monthslong waiting period to process asylum claims, expensive housing, difficulties earning a living as an undocumented worker and high crime.

Many said they have accepted their new reality.

Recent news from the U.S. of stepped-up immigration raids and calls from the Trump administration to “self-deport” only validates the decision to try to make a go of it in Mexico.

Wilver Arteaga walks with his son to speak with a lawyer in Tijuana. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

Most of the nearly 80,000 asylum seekers arriving in Mexico last year came from Honduras, Cuba, Haiti, El Salvador and Venezuela, according to an April UNHCR report. More than half reported leaving their home countries due to violence, insecurity or threats.

Returning home is not an option for many.

Navigating challenges

The Arteaga family had made it to the state of Coahuila when they decided to stay in Mexico. They heard wages were higher in Tijuana, so the couple and their 3-year-old son decided to try their luck there.

Within two weeks of arriving at the Casa del Migrante shelter in Tijuana, Arteaga realized that finding an affordable place to live would not be easy.

“Rents are through the roof,” he said.

Mejía, from the UNHCR, said that asylum seekers usually settle in the Zona Centro area or in eastern Tijuana, urban areas where rents are more affordable.

Arteaga was baffled to discover that many landlords in Tijuana charge rent in U.S. dollars instead of pesos. The apartments he asked about near the shelter ranged from $500 to $800 per month or more in rent.

He thought he found a possibility in a southeastern Tijuana neighborhood, a two-bedroom house renting in pesos. But on the way to check it out with his son, their Uber driver strongly recommended they look elsewhere. The neighborhood was not safe, he told them.

That’s when Arteaga realized he had lots more to learn about the city.

Clothes hang to dry at Iglesia Embajadores de Jesus shelter on April 15, 2025 in Tijuana. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

Juan Antonio del Monte, a professor and researcher of cultural studies at the Colegio de la Frontera Norte in Tijuana, said that public safety is one of the biggest issues not only for immigrants, but for all residents. “Becoming part of Tijuana involves facing the city’s challenges,” he said.

The latest National Urban Public Safety Survey, which is conducted in Mexico on a quarterly basis, indicates that 63% of adult residents in Tijuana feel unsafe.

Lingering anti-immigrant discrimination, which boiled over in 2018 with the arrival of Central American caravans in Tijuana, has also been a concern.

Del Monte said that migrants often tell him during their conversations that they have found their “angels” — people who lend them support — but that some also face some form of discrimination or xenophobia.

“Tijuana and its residents are hospitable, and that should be recognized,” he said. “But we must also acknowledge that some people openly express anti-immigrant sentiments.”

Soraya Vázquez, deputy director for Al Otro Lado, a binational organization that provides legal aid to migrants, noted how the situation has changed over the years. “There will always be people against immigration,” she said. “But that doesn’t mean it’s a widespread or prevailing attitude in the city.”

Finding acceptance

José Hernández, who fled persecution in Guatemala as a gay man, has found Tijuana to be a refuge — a “land of many colors,” he says.

“There is a lot of diversity. There are many nationalities,” he said. “I feel accepted here.”

Even before Trump returned to office, Hernández, 27, had struggled daily to secure an appointment through the CBP One app. The stress was too much to bear. In October, he decided to stop trying. He didn’t even speak English, he reasoned.

His partner eventually got an appointment and crossed into the United States. Hernández stayed behind.

“I’m starting from scratch,” he said. “I don’t regret my decision. It was at that moment that I was finally able to start planning my life.”

José Hernández sells clothes outside of a shelter he’s staying at on May 8 in Tijuana. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

With his savings, he bought a table and clothes to sell at a street stand outside the shelter, where Hernández lives. “Maybe it’s not much,” he said of his small business. “But it has come with a lot of effort and sacrifice. I am very happy with what I have achieved because it is my small legacy, which I hope to grow more with discipline and effort.”

Such alternative ways to earn a living are common among asylum seekers, who aren’t legally allowed to work in Mexico while their applications are pending.

Mexico no longer issues the so-called humanitarian visitor cards that allowed asylum seekers to work while their cases were being reviewed. Advocacy workers say that this is one of the most frequently mentioned concerns among asylum seekers.

Still, many find a way. According to UNHCR data, 80% of the nearly 20,000 asylum seekers and refugees in Baja California last year had a job, either formal or informal.

The asylum process in Mexico is supposed to take about three months, said Mejía from UNHCR, but the number of cases exceeds the capacity of the Mexican Commission for Refugee Aid to process them. Currently, and depending on each case, the process can take between six months and a year, she estimated.

José Hernández sells clothes outside of a shelter. Migrants can’t obtain documentation to work while their asylum applications are being processed, which can take several months. Many turn to informal work to earn a living. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

Vázquez, from Al Otro Lado, said that the lack of enough interpreters at the commission, known as Comar, is also contributing to the delayed process.

Still, Vázquez believes it’s more likely to obtain asylum in Mexico than in the United States. In the United States, an immigration judge grants asylum claims, whereas in Mexico, Comar, a government agency, makes the decision.

The ‘American dream’ reborn

On a recent Wednesday morning, Vivianne Petit Frère restocked the kitchen of the Haitian restaurant she opened nearly three years ago in Tijuana, readying for the busy lunch rush of fellow expats. Later, on her way to a nearby mall to have her cellphone fixed, friends from Haiti greeted her on the street.

She was a local now.

Besides owning Lakou Lakay, which serves Caribbean dishes such as mixed rice with pork and banana and pork ragout, she attends college and works as a human rights advocate for her community. She can relate to the struggle to get there.

“I came in search of the American dream,” reflected Petit Frère.

Petit Frère’s mother sold their house in Haiti so she could leave the country in search of better opportunities to provide for her mother and two children, who remained behind. Fluent in French, Petit Frère first found a job at a five-star hotel in Brazil. However, when the pandemic hit, things quickly went downhill. So, she began the dangerous journey to the U.S.-Mexico border.

Vivianne Petit Frere brings groceries to her restaurant on June 18 in Tijuana. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

By the time she arrived in Tijuana in late 2021, with sights ultimately set on New Jersey, she felt that seeking asylum in the U.S. was one gamble she couldn’t afford. Many Haitians were being expelled under a public health policy at the time.

“I couldn’t afford to be deported, so I didn’t cross,” she said. “I stayed in Tijuana.”

She plugged in to an already vibrant community of Haitian refugees in the border city, many whom arrived following a devastating earthquake that ravaged the island nation in 2010. Nearly half of the asylum seekers and refugees in Baja California since 2019 have been from Haiti, according to the UNHCR.

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She spent her first nights in a Tijuana park alongside other Haitians until she found a place to stay. She knocked on doors looking for work and eventually landed her first job as a cleaner.

With practice and the help of translation apps on her phone, she learned to speak Spanish.

Petit Frère shares an entrepreneurial spirit common among migrants. “There are no jobs in Haiti,” she said. “So, if you want to make money, you have to find a way to start your own business.”

She opened her restaurant in Tijuana’s Zona Centro in 2022. Though she envisioned it as a way to serve her community, it has also become a means of sharing her culture with the city.

Vivianne Petit Frere greets a friend’s child. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

She is currently studying social work in college and pursuing a diploma in restaurant management. She is also the Tijuana representative of the nonprofit Haitian Bridge Alliance.

Petit Frère had a daughter in Mexico. Later, the rest of her family immigrated to Tijuana from Haiti. They are now all legal residents.

In hindsight, she said she realized she had found what she was looking for in Tijuana. Or maybe she has even bigger dreams.

A home of their own

Other migrant families have found the same sense of stability in the city of nearly 2 million inhabitants.

For the Miranda family, who fled El Salvador to escape violence in their town, fate intervened in their plans.

Rocío Ramos, right, helps her daughter, Abigail, 7, with schoolwork in their home next to the Iglesia Embajadores de Jesus shelter on May 19 in Tijuana. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

In early 2023, on the day they were scheduled to show up at the port of entry to request asylum, an intense storm turned dirt roads to muddy rivers. The van from the shelter that had been prepared to take them to the border couldn’t leave.

“What if we stay in Mexico?” Josué Miranda wondered aloud to his wife.

“She said to me, ‘How is that possible? The journey was too tough to stay here,’” he recalled.

There were several questions that had to be considered. How to make a living? Where to live?

As time passed, they found answers: his wife, Rocío Ramos, opened a food stand outside the Embajadores de Jesús shelter, and Josué became a close collaborator of the shelter’s director.

Josué Ramos helps build homes for several families at the Iglesia Embajadores de Jesus shelter. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

Last year, they were given the opportunity to build their own house on the shelter’s grounds. It’s part of the shelter’s program to provide housing for people who decide to settle in Tijuana.

“I never thought I would have a house here one day,” Miranda said.

“Since the day we decided to stay, at no time was there any regret.”

Uncertain future

Many migrants who decided to stay are still charting their paths.

The Artega family, who struggled to find safe, affordable housing, decided to move to Rosarito, about half an hour south of Tijuana. Arteaga’s wife found a job at a local supermarket. Rents are also more affordable there, Arteaga said.

Other asylum seekers are still coming to grips with their new reality.

Ivis Salgado, of Honduras, left, and Milagro Gonzalez leave a shelter that they’re staying at to go to a bus stop to get to work on May 5 in Tijuana. (Ana Ramirez / The San Diego Union-Tribune)

Milagro González, an asylum seeker from Venezuela, had been among the lucky few who had secured an upcoming CBP One appointment — until it was canceled on Trump’s first day in office.

She found a place to stay at a Tijuana migrant shelter, hoping that another option to apply for asylum in the United States would arise. But over time, her hope of crossing the border faded.

González is too afraid to return home, so she began the process of applying for refugee status in Mexico.

“Maybe God didn’t want me on the other side of the border,” she said. “God wants me to learn a lesson here.”

Immigration agents demand tenant information from landlords, stirring questions and confusion

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By R.J. RICO

ATLANTA (AP) — Immigration authorities are demanding that landlords turn over leases, rental applications, forwarding addresses, identification cards and other information on their tenants, a sign that the Trump administration is targeting them to assist in its drive for mass deportations.

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Eric Teusink, an Atlanta-area real estate attorney, said several clients recently received subpoenas asking for entire files on tenants. A rental application can include work history, marital status and family relationships.

The two-page “information enforcement subpoena,” which Teusink shared exclusively with The Associated Press, also asks for information on other people who lived with the tenant. One, dated May 1, is signed by an officer for U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services ‘ anti-fraud unit. However, it is not signed by a judge.

It is unclear how widely the subpoenas were issued, but they could signal a new front in the administration’s efforts to locate people who are in the country illegally, many of whom were required to give authorities their U.S. addresses as a condition for initially entering the country without a visa. President Donald Trump largely ended temporary status for people who were allowed in the country under his predecessor, Joe Biden.

Experts question whether landlords need to comply

Some legal experts and property managers say the demands pose serious legal questions because they are not signed by a judge and that, if landlords comply, they might risk violating the Fair Housing Act, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color or national origin.

Critics also say landlords are likely to feel intimidated into complying with something that a judge hasn’t ordered, all while the person whose information is being requested may never know that their private records are in the hands of immigration authorities.

“The danger here is overcompliance,” said Stacy Seicshnaydre, a Tulane University law professor who studies housing law. “Just because a landlord gets a subpoena, doesn’t mean it’s a legitimate request.”

ICE officers have long used subpoenas signed by an agency supervisor to try to enter homes. Advocacy groups have mounted “Know Your Rights” campaign urging people to refuse entry if they are not signed by a judge.

The subpoena reviewed by the AP is from USCIS’ fraud detection and national security directorate, which, like ICE, is part of The Department of Homeland Security. Although it isn’t signed by a judge, it threatens that a judge may hold a landlord in contempt of court for failure to comply.

Tricia McLaughlin, a Homeland Security spokeswoman, defended the use of subpoenas against landlords without confirming if they are being issued.

“We are not going to comment on law enforcement’s tactics surrounding ongoing investigations,” McLaughlin said. “However, it is false to say that subpoenas from ICE can simply be ignored. ICE is authorized to obtain records or testimony through specific administrative subpoena authorities. Failure to comply with an ICE-issued administrative subpoena may result in serious legal penalties. The media needs to stop spreading these lies.”

These requests are new to many landlords

Teusink said many of his clients oversee multifamily properties and are used to getting subpoenas for other reasons, such as requests to hand over surveillance footage or give local police access to a property as part of an investigation. But, he said, those requests are signed by a judge.

Teusink said his clients were confused by the latest subpoenas. After consulting with immigration attorneys, he concluded that compliance is optional. Unless signed by a judge, the letters are essentially just an officer making a request.

“It seemed like they were on a fishing expedition,” Teusink said.

Boston real estate attorney Jordana Roubicek Greenman said a landlord client of his received a vague voicemail from an ICE official last month requesting information about a tenant. Other local attorneys told her that their clients had received similar messages. She told her client not to call back.

Anthony Luna, the CEO of Coastline Equity, a commercial and multifamily property management company that oversees about 1,000 units in the Los Angeles area, said property managers started contacting him a few weeks ago about concerns from tenants who heard rumors about the ICE subpoenas. Most do not plan to comply if they receive them.

“If they’re going after criminals, why aren’t they going through court documents?” Luna said. “Why do they need housing provider files?”

ICE subpoenas preceded Trump’s first term in office, though they saw a significant uptick under him, according to Lindsay Nash, a law professor at Yeshiva University’s Cardozo School of Law in New York who has spent years tracking them. Landlords rarely got them, though. State and local police were the most common recipients.

ICE can enforce the subpoenas, but it would first have to file a lawsuit in federal court and get a judge to sign off on its enforcement — a step that would allow the subpoena’s recipient to push back, Nash said. She said recipients often comply without telling the person whose records are being divulged.

“Many people see these subpoenas, think that they look official, think that some of the language in them sounds threatening, and therefore respond, even when, from what I can tell, it looks like some of these subpoenas have been overbroad,” she said.

Capital One, Walmart: A look at some of the consumer cases dropped by the CFPB under Trump

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By KEN SWEET, AP Business Writer

NEW YORK (AP) — In the nearly six months since the Trump administration has had control of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the bureau’s leadership has focused almost exclusively on rolling back any punishments, fines and penalties made against companies during the Biden administration.

In some cases, companies that were supposed to refund their customers or pay a penalty for unfair or deceptive practices are no longer bound to make their customers whole. Other companies facing charges of fraud of deceptive practices saw their lawsuits dropped in the early days of the Trump administration.

Here are some of the Trump administration’s rollbacks:

Navy Federal Credit Union

The CFPB accused Navy Federal Credit Union, the nation’s largest credit union, of having unfair and deceptive overdraft fee practices. NFCU settled with the bureau and agreed to refund its members $80 million in overdraft fees. However, when the new administration took over, NFCU asked to have the order dismissed, which the CFPB agreed to do without giving a reason. Navy Federal has not said whether it would refund their members, which are mostly service men and women, families and veterans.

Reduced overdraft fees

The CFPB proposed new regulations that would have reduced overdraft fees to $5 from their industry average of $27. The regulations focused on a bureau analysis on what it actually cost banks to make short-term loans to customers to cover those purchases when a customer’s account went negative. The banking industry stood to lose billions of dollars in overdraft revenue, although banks have been weening themselves off overdraft fee revenue for years. The regulations were overturned by the Republican-controlled Congress in April.

Capital One

In the last days of the Biden administration, the CFPB sued banking giant Capital One for allegedly cheating its customers out of $2 billion in interest payments on their savings accounts. The case involved a product that Capital One sold known as 360 Savings, which the bank advertised as having the best savings rate in the country. Capital One failed to tell some customers that it had another product with a higher savings rate. The case was dropped within days of the Trump administration taking over the bureau.

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Walmart

The CFPB filed a lawsuit in December against Walmart and workforce company Branch Messenger, accusing the companies of deceptively steering delivery drivers to open accounts with Branch, in order for those employees to get instant access to their wages. However, the CFPB said these Branch accounts came with high fees and deceptive marketing, and said Walmart and Branch should return $10 million to harmed drivers. Both Walmart and Branch denied the accusations. The lawsuit was dropped by the CFPB in the first weeks of the Trump administration.

Zelle

The parent company of Zelle, the peer-to-peer payment system, as well as some of the nation’s largest banks, were sued by the CFPB late last year over accusations they failed to protect hundreds of thousands of consumers from rampant fraud on Zelle, in violation of consumer financial laws. The CFPB’s lawsuit claimed hundreds of thousands of customers lost approximately $870 million in funds to fraud over the seven years that Zelle had been in existence. That lawsuit was dropped by the CFPB in March.