What Could a Trump or Harris Win Mean for New York’s Climate Goals? 

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The November presidential election is pivotal, environmental advocates say: Americans are deciding between Vice President Kamala Harris, who has a track record in climate action, and Donald Trump, who continuously denies that climate change exists.

Flickr/White House

The presidential candidates at different FEMA briefings.

Climate change should be top of mind when it comes to deciding who America’s next president will be, environmental experts in New York warn.

“We are seeing more and more of these extreme weather events. Climate is clearly on the ballot whether people think of it that way or not,” said Daniel Zarrilli, former chief climate policy advisor at the New York City Mayor’s Office.

The U.S, which saw a hurricane devastate Florida last week, is already facing $150 billion in annual damages from extreme weather events and will only endure harsher storms thanks to global warming. Across the globe, nations and cities have set targets to cut back on burning fossil fuels as they emit the greenhouse gasses driving climate change.

“A lack of American leadership at this moment would be pretty much catastrophic for a lot of these global goals and a lot of that hinges on this election,” Zarrilli added.

The November presidential election is pivotal, Zarrilli argues, because Americans are deciding between Vice President Kamala Harris, who has a track record in climate action, and Donald Trump, who continuously denies that climate change exists.

The Biden and Harris administration set a nationwide goal to slash planet-warming emissions in half by 2050. They also enacted the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which injected billions into tackling global warming and bolstering the green economy in a move Harris has called the “largest investment ever, to take on the climate crisis.”  

Meanwhile, Trump rolled back over 100 policies geared at lowering greenhouse gasses while he was in office and vowed to rescind any unspent dollars the IRA distributes for clean energy projects if he were to return to the White House. 

Experts say a pause in funding is just the tip of the iceberg. The Trump administration could deny the federal permits that New York’s offshore wind farms need to operate in national waters and generate green power. These setbacks could endanger the state’s plans to nearly phase out fossil fuels by 2050, as outlined by New York’s landmark climate law, the Climate Leadership and Protection Act (CLCPA).

On the flipside, Harris would likely continue to work towards moving away from fossil fuels, although details of her environmental platform are yet to be unveiled. 

Still, there is fear that a Harris win could lead to conservative groups pushing back against climate policies and that without Trump’s antagonism creating a sense of urgency, New York lawmakers might relax when meeting the state’s climate goals. 

But Zarrilli notes that as the climate crisis worsens, the urgency to act will be there regardless, and says putting Trump in the White House would be far more destructive.

“The risk is an entire rollback of clean energy investments and an increase in support for the fossil fuel industry through subsidies and other means that would just take us in the wrong direction,” Zarrilli said.

The Trump effect

Energy experts say a Trump win would bring two main repercussions for New York: IRA funding could suffer a blow, and permits needed to build out offshore wind projects could get denied. 

When it comes to the IRA, experts say Biden has been preparing for a potential Trump win by distributing as much of the funding as he can before his term comes to an end.

The funds help people switch from fossil-fuel powered equipment to clean electric energy in their homes through rebates, tax credits and financing programs. 

“A lot of money has gone out already, but most of it has not. Rolling back [IRA funds] would harm every community, frankly, but especially New York, where we need these kinds of incentives to build clean energy projects,” said Matthew Salton, the federal policy manager at New York League of Conservation Voters (NYLCV). 

New York has secured $1.6 billion in IRA grant money so far, which has helped pay for 199 clean energy and environmental projects across the state, according to the NYLCV. Large scale renewable energy initiatives that lower greenhouse emissions, like solar and wind farms, also need “a certain degree of federal funding,” Salton warns. 

He fears that without federal financial backing, these initiatives could be in jeopardy. 

NYS Governor’s Office

Gov. Kathy Hochul at a 2022 press conference, marking start of construction of New York’s first offshore wind project.

Permits from a series of federal agencies are also needed to send giant windmills into national waters, capture the wind and turn it into energy for New York. And the Trump administration could choose not to issue them.

There are currently five offshore wind projects at different stages of development in New York, and only one is operational so far. Attempts to harness the wind for power have also sprouted across the U.S., as the Biden-Harris administration set a nation-wide goal of deploying 30 gigawatts of offshore wind energy capacity by 2030.

But with Trump back in office, experts warn that the goal will likely be abandoned.

The former president has a long history of hostility towards the offshore wind industry. Over a decade ago he began complaining that wind turbines ruined the view from his golf course in Scotland, and has since falsely said that they ruin the environment and kill whales. 

“I hate wind,” he reportedly told a crowd of oil and gas executives at a fundraising dinner this spring. At the event, he painted the renewable energy source as bad, and asked for $1 billion in donations in exchange for nixing several environmental regulations once elected. Offshore wind development, he has noted several times, would be one of them.

“I’m going to write it out in an executive order. It’s going to end on day one,” the Republican presidential candidate said at a rally in New Jersey earlier this year. 

The Harris backlash?

While a Trump win could set back several clean energy goals, the expectation is that Democratic candidate Harris will further the Biden administration’s efforts to transition away from fossil fuels.

Timothy Fox, an energy policy analyst and managing director at the consulting firm Clear View Energy, says the move is bound to inspire conservative groups to “try to undermine federal policies that are pursuing the transition.”

That could include challenges to national policies in court or introducing legislation to slow the growth of the clean energy economy. 

And a Harris win could bring another unexpected side effect. 

“There may be less urgency among progressive-leaning states to create policies that further encourage the transition, when there’s a federal administration in office that is sympathetic [to getting off fossil fuels],” Fox told City Limits.

Zarrilli disagrees, arguing that there is more pressure than ever to deliver a clean energy transition, especially as the state is already behind in meeting the goals set forth by the landmark CLCPA climate law.

Ed Reed/Mayoral Photography Office

Former Mayor Bill de Blasio staged a rally outside Trump Tower in 2019, announcing plans to cut building emissions across the city.

“The urgency will be there because the activist community and others are going to be looking for an expansion of the work the Inflation Reduction Act started,” Zarrilli said. “I think the urgency or the expectations will be higher starting next year.”

Whether a Harris presidency will lead to a lack of urgency or not, one thing is certain: if Trump makes it back to the White House, New York’s environmental community says it will double down in its fight.

“A Trump presidency will galvanize state efforts to fight climate change,” said Stephan Edel, the executive director of the environmental justice coalition NY Renews. 

“When Trump was elected for his first term there was a real motivation at the grassroots level and at the government level to fight back,” Edel said. “[If he returns], we could see a real emboldening of New York State and a recognition that New York is just going to have to get things done now.”

To reach the reporter behind this story, contact Mariana@citylimits.org. To reach the editor, contact Jeanmarie@citylimits.org

Want to republish this story? Find City Limits’ reprint policy here.

All politics are local? Not in this election

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David Lauter | (TNS) Los Angeles Times

WASHINGTON — Asked at a candidate debate this week about President Joe Biden’s border policies, Democratic Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez didn’t hesitate.

“My seriousness in taking on the Biden administration’s failed border security policies” has been key to congressional action on the subject, she said. “It’s not racist to want to secure the southern border.”

A day earlier, Democratic congressional candidate Janelle Stelson was similarly direct at her debate when asked whether Biden’s border efforts had failed.

“Yes. I don’t think they acted fast enough,” she said.

“We have to secure the border,” Stelson added. “We need to send people who cross illegally … back home.”

And here’s Democratic candidate Kirsten Engel responding to a similar query at her debate:

“President Biden? Let’s be real. He was late to see what a crisis it was becoming,” she said. “We need to secure the border.”

National issue top voters’ concerns

Perez represents a district in southwestern Washington state. Stelson is trying to oust a six-term Republican incumbent in central Pennsylvania. Engel hopes to unseat a freshman Republican in southern Arizona. All three races are among the closest in the country.

Thousands of miles separate their districts, which also differ significantly in politics and demographics. But a listener tuning in to the candidates’ debates this week could easily lose track of which was which.

The late House Speaker Thomas P. “Tip” O’Neill Jr. famously used to say that “all politics is local.” Four decades later, almost the opposite is true.

Local questions do still crop up occasionally: Perez and her opponent, Joe Kent, differed about plans for rebuilding the I-5 bridge over the Columbia River. Engel and her opponent, Republican Rep. Juan Ciscomani, talked briefly about water policy.

But the decline of local news, the nationalization of grassroots fundraising, the increased power of party leaders in Congress and the intense polarization of politics have combined to marginalize regional differences.

Democrats shift on the border

In their place, campaigns now turn on a small set of national issues — this year primarily the cost of living, abortion and the border. Candidates, coached by party strategists using party-financed polls that test messages for their electoral effectiveness, wind up using almost identical language to address issues.

That’s why Democratic candidates in swing districts have embraced tough border security measures and efforts to restrict asylum petitions.

Their positions borrow from the playbook that Democratic Rep. Tom Suozzi used to win a hotly contested special election in New York’s Long Island suburbs early this year, and they sharply diverge from those the party’s candidates took as recently as 2020.

That frustrates advocates for immigrants, who say Democrats have wrongly accepted Republican framing of border issues and have adopted policies that will create further hardship for migrants. But the shift matches the movement of public opinion, which has become far less sympathetic to immigrants over the course of Biden’s term.

The nationalization of congressional races and the shift on border policy are two of the lessons that jump out from half a dozen congressional debates that aired over the past week — courtesy of C-SPAN, which rebroadcasts most of them.

Extreme candidates may hinder GOP

Here’s another: The choice by Republican primary voters to embrace extremist candidates in some swing districts continues to hamper the party’s chances of holding on to the House majority.

Perez’s Vancouver-area district in southwest Washington provides one of this year’s clearest examples.

The district leans to the GOP; Trump carried the district by eight points in 2016 and four in 2020. But Perez squeaked through in 2022, defeating Kent 50% to 49%.

Kent, a former Army Special Forces officer, was a polarizing candidate who had defeated a moderate Republican incumbent in the primary that year. He took part in demonstrations on behalf of people convicted or accused of storming the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, called for Anthony Fauci to be charged with murder and espoused many of Vladimir Putin’s arguments for invading Ukraine.

This time around, national Republican leaders hoped that some other Republican would replace Kent as the party’s nominee, but he easily made his way through the state’s top-two primary, setting up a rematch with Perez.

In their debate, she highlighted his inflammatory rhetoric.

On immigration, for example, Perez used what’s now a standard Democratic line — noting that Republicans killed a bipartisan border security bill this year in deference to Trump. The former president wanted to keep the border in crisis, the better to make it a campaign issue, Democrats say.

“Joe [Kent] and his buddies, they supported killing the most conservative, bipartisan immigration bill we’ve seen in a generation,” she said.

But she went a step further, citing a town hall two years ago in which Kent appeared to agree with a right-wing questioner who called for a 20-year ban on all immigration in order to forestall the “demographic replacement that’s happening.”

Kent “wants a white majority. I want a secure border,” Perez said.

In response, Kent denied advocating a white majority, but did endorse mass deportations of immigrants in the country without legal authorization.

He also repeated his calls for ending aid to Ukraine, saying U.S. money was only prolonging the war and putting humanity “closer to World War III than we’ve ever been.”

Newscaster takes on former Freedom Caucus leader

On the other side of the country, in south-central Pennsylvania, Republicans face a similar dynamic with their incumbent, Rep. Scott Perry.

The former head of the House Freedom Caucus, Perry is one of the few members of that far-right group to represent a closely divided district, rather than one that is solidly Republican.

Since first being elected in 2012, Perry has won five times, but in recent years, his district has grown more Democratic. Republicans have lost ground in the suburbs of Harrisburg, the state capital, and across the Susquehanna River to the west, where the growing population of Cumberland County is increasingly Democratic.

As the district has changed, Perry has become an increasingly uncomfortable fit.

According to the House committee that investigated the Jan. 6 riot, he took a prominent part in meetings with Trump advisers on efforts to overturn the 2020 election results. In 2022, FBI agents seized his cellphone as part of the investigation into the election plot. In 2023, after Republicans took control of the House, he was one of the 20 far-right lawmakers who repeatedly held up Rep. Kevin McCarthy’s election as speaker.

His opponent, Stelson, worked for 38 years as a television reporter and anchor for stations in the area. That has given her wide, favorable name recognition.

“The viewers have gotten to know me as a trusted, nonpartisan voice,” she said during the debate, contrasting her pragmatism with Perry, whom she characterized as “the chief obstructionist” in a Congress that has accomplished little.

The long shadow of Dobbs

A former registered Republican, Stelson says she decided to run for office after the Supreme Court’s 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which overturned Roe vs. Wade and ended the nationwide guarantee of abortion rights.

Stelson repeatedly hit Perry for his past backing of a nationwide abortion ban without exceptions.

The decision over ending a pregnancy should be left to women and their doctors, she said.

“There’s no reason why Scott Perry knows better than they do what to do with their own bodies in their most intimate decisions.”

Perry insisted that he does support exceptions for cases of rape and incest or to protect a pregnant person’s life, but added that “we need to be mindful … that there are two lives at stake here.”

“I defend, vehemently, the sanctity of life,” he said.

Similar exchanges over abortion took place in each of this week’s debates, and they highlighted how the shift in public opinion since the Dobbs decision has changed both parties’ approaches to the issue.

Democrats shift left on abortion

In the 2022 midterm elections, a backlash against Dobbs helped power Democratic victories in swing states.

At the time, many Republican candidates were caught flatfooted on the issue. This time, they’ve largely coalesced around the position Trump advocates, saying that they support the high court’s ruling and that decisions over abortion should be made at the state level, not nationally.

Democrats have sought to convince voters that those statements can’t be trusted and that if they have the majority, Republicans will try to restrict abortion nationwide.

Republicans counter that their opponents are the real extremists, saying the Democrats won’t agree to any limits on when abortions should be allowed.

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Democrats used to shy away from discussions of so-called late-term abortions — those occurring after 24 weeks of pregnancy, typically because of lethal fetal abnormalities or risk to the woman’s life. They account for less than 1% of all abortions in the U.S.

Today, Democrats are more comfortable pushing back on GOP efforts to set limits.

“There’s no timetable. Pregnancies can go bad at any point,” Engel said in her debate, setting out what is increasingly the party’s prevailing view.

“Women have lost their lives” because of state laws that restrict abortions, she said. And even when those laws have exceptions designed to allow abortions in certain circumstances, “these exceptions don’t work.”

“This is not something we leave to politicians.”

Abortion, immigration, inflation: If polls are accurate, the two sides have largely fought to a draw on those issues. On average, Democrats hold about a one-point edge when polls ask voters which party they want to see in control of Congress after this election.

Enough races remain as toss-ups that either party could win control of the House. But in our increasingly parliamentary system, where national trends have swamped local issues, here’s one prediction: Whichever party wins the White House will probably gain control of the House as well.

___

©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

Walz to unveil Harris’ plan for rural voters as campaign looks to cut into Trump’s edge

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By ZEKE MILLER AP White House Correspondent

WASHINGTON (AP) — Democratic vice presidential nominee Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz on Tuesday will unveil his ticket’s plans to improve the lives of rural voters, as Vice President Kamala Harris looks to cut into former President Donald Trump’s support.

The Harris-Walz plan includes a focus on improving rural health care, such as plans to recruit 10,000 new health care professionals in rural and tribal areas through scholarships, loan forgiveness and new grant programs, as well as economic and agricultural policy priorities. The plan was detailed to The Associated Press by a senior campaign official on the condition of anonymity ahead of its official release on Tuesday.

It marks a concerted effort by the Democratic campaign to make a dent in the historically Trump-leaning voting bloc in the closing three weeks before Election Day. Trump carried rural voters by a nearly two-to-one margin in 2020, according to AP VoteCast. In the closely contested race, both Democrats and Republicans are reaching out beyond their historic bases in hopes of winning over a sliver of voters that could ultimately prove decisive.

Walz is set to announce the plan during a stop in rural Lawrence County in western Pennsylvania, one of the marquee battlegrounds of the 2024 contest. He is also starring in a new radio ad for the campaign highlighting his roots in a small town of 400 people and his time coaching football, while attacking Trump and his running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance.

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“In a small town, you don’t focus on the politics, you focus on taking care of your neighbors and minding your own damn business,” Walz says in the ad, which the campaign said will air across more than 500 rural radio stations in Georgia, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. “Now Donald Trump and JD Vance, they don’t think like us. They’re in it for themselves.”

The Harris-Walz plan calls on Congress to permanently extend telemedicine coverage under Medicare, a pandemic-era benefit that helped millions access care that is set to expire at the end of 2024. They are also calling for grants to support volunteer EMS programs to cut in half the number of Americans living more than 25 minutes away from an ambulance.

It also urges Congress to restore the Affordable Connectivity Program, a program launched by President Joe Biden that expired in June that provided up to $30 off home internet bills, and for lawmakers to require equipment manufacturers to grant farmers the right to repair their products.

Twins players Carlos Santana, Willi Castro named Gold Glove Award finalists

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Carlos Santana is one step closer to fulfilling a promise he made to his mother before the 2024 season.

The Twins’ veteran first baseman was named a Rawlings Gold Glove Award finalist for the second straight year. In addition to Santana, Twins utilityman Willi Castro was named a finalist, as well, in a utility category that was created three years ago.

Neither Santana, 38, nor Castro, 27, has ever won a Gold Glove.

Before the season began, Santana, who wore a pink glove this year to honor his mother, said she asked him what he still wanted to accomplish before he retired. He responded by telling her he would like to be rewarded for his defense and take home a Gold Glove Award.

“This is what I want,” he said in September. “This is what I promised to my mom. I want to win. If I win and they told me, it’s the most new positive (thing) here in my life.”

Santana seemingly has a great chance of winning the award, finishing first among all first basemen with 14 Outs Above Average. His eight Defensive Runs Saved led all American League first basemen.

Nathaniel Lowe of the Texas Rangers and Ryan Mountcastle of the Baltimore Orioles are the other two finalists at the position. Castro joins Mauricio Dubón (Astros) and Dylan Moore (Mariners) as the utility finalists.

The versatile Castro made history this season becoming the only player in Major League Baseball history to play in at least 25 games at five different positions (2B, 3B, SS, LF, CF).

Castro, who played in a team-leading 158 games, filled in at third base when Royce Lewis got hurt, at shortstop when Carlos Correa landed on the injured list and center field when Byron Buxton went down early. He finished the year with 40 games at second base, 37 at third, 56 at short, 34 in left field and 30 in center.

Often, he appeared at multiple positions within a game, allowing manager Rocco Baldelli the flexibility to make the in-game moves he desired.

The finalists were determined by voting from managers and coaches in concert with the SABR (Society for American Baseball Research) Defensive Index, which makes up 25 percent of the selection.

The winners will be announced on Nov. 3 during a special “Baseball Tonight” show on ESPN that will begin at 7:30 p.m. CT. The Twins have not had a Gold Glove winner Buxton (CF) and Brian Dozier (2B) won in 2017.