Opinion: Why NYC Should Fund The Developers Who Stay Invested

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“Nonprofit developers, by virtue of their governance and ownership, are the only segment of the affordable housing sector that’s required to reinvest their financial benefits of development back into their neighborhoods and people they serve.”

The groundbreaking for a city-financed affordable housing project in Sunset Park, Brooklyn in 2019. (John McCarten/NYC Council)

New York City’s “City of Yes” and “City for All” initiatives and the state’s plans for a $1.5 billion investment to expand housing are welcome steps towards addressing the most severe housing crisis we have seen in decades. Coupled with proposals being considered by two City Charter Revision Commissions, these plans, investments and proposals promise to increase housing supply overall.

But there is much more we should be doing to ensure that the public investments we make in the service of increasing housing supply are also sound investments in our communities. At a time when the current administration in Washington is committed to the retreat of government, it’s more important than ever to make sure that New York City’s housing investments support the city’s civic infrastructure and advance equity and inclusion.  

To achieve the city and state’s goals, significant public investments will need to be made, and the public will need to rely on an array of developers to get this housing built. We ought to be mindful that not every dollar of public investment has the same public benefit. Specifically, we should recognize that nonprofit developers, by virtue of their governance and ownership, are the only segment of the affordable housing sector that’s required to reinvest their financial benefits of development back into their neighborhoods and people they serve.   

The public-private model of housing development was born a generation ago, in the face of wavering commitments from the public sector to fully fund the cost of building and operating affordable housing. At that time, we fundamentally shifted our housing policy. Rather than public housing agencies using federal funds to build, own, and operate public housing, we outsourced significant portions of this process in favor of privately owned affordable housing.

Today the public sector sets policy priorities and then makes available the public subsidies and incentives that private developers compete for. Broadly speaking, the public sector finances and regulates, and the private sector builds, owns and operates.   

In New York City, where this new public-private paradigm began, mission-oriented nonprofits were the first private movers. When the Koch Administration in the early 1980s began experimenting with this approach, the city was in crisis.  Neighborhoods like the South Bronx and Central Brooklyn were being abandoned, and the city became a major landowner because of tax foreclosures.

In partnership with the city, local nonprofits bought abandoned properties from the city for a dollar, and then rebuilt and renovated them into affordable housing, bringing neighborhoods back to life.  This proof of concept was encouraged and replicated nationwide, buoyed by the invention of the federal Low Income Housing Tax Credit program in 1986 and other financial tools that accelerated resources available for this type of public-private partnership model of housing development.   

While nonprofits piloted this approach, almost immediately for-profit developers entered the field. They recognized that companies specializing in affordable housing could make a good business out of it. That was by design. To incentivize a broader range of development partners to enter the field and address the need at scale, our policies made it profitable for them to do so. 

It took patience and nerve to navigate the public processes and secure the necessary incentives, but those that could finance and manage the construction process built a real estate asset with limited market risk. Particularly in high-cost markets like New York City, demand for affordable housing outstrips supply by thousands for each unit brought to market.   

Now that we are a generation into this public-private paradigm, we can begin to see how the paths diverged between for-profit companies and nonprofits. Private developers took the financial upside and often reinvested in their businesses, growing their balance sheets and taking on larger projects. Their enterprises took on equity investors to grow their companies.  And many of the early vintage private affordable housing developers cashed out of their companies and became wealthy themselves.  

Nonprofits, however, took a different path. Their organizations were never owned by their principals but governed by volunteer boards. They didn’t take on equity investors. Profits at the enterprise level may have been partially invested back into the enterprises, but more often they were used to subsidize the nonprofit’s other mission or programmatic work, often within the just-completed housing development projects themselves. 

Take the example of the Brooklyn-based Fifth Avenue Committee (FAC), where the authors are executive director (Ms. de la Uz) and board member (Mr. Marks). The organization began in the 1970s as a coalition of local neighbors, merchants, and block associations to address abandonment in Brooklyn’s lower Park Slope neighborhood, which had previously been redlined. Encouraged by the city under the Koch Administration, FAC soon moved into real estate development, and by the end of the 1980s, the organization owned and renovated just over 400 apartments for low- and moderate-income Brooklynites.   

This year the organization celebrates its 47th anniversary, and its real estate activities have fueled not just its affordable housing pipeline (now over 2,000 homes) but its organizational growth as well. Between FAC and its affiliates, their $20 million annual budgets support over 7,000 low-and moderate-income New Yorkers annually through programs in adult education, workforce development, tenant organizing and eviction prevention, financial coaching, community health worker services, and first homebuyer assistance, to name just a few. 

FAC has also become a major voice shaping a more inclusive development and planning agenda for rapidly changing neighborhoods like Gowanus. Its advocacy has resulted in tangible benefits for low- and moderate-income people: 35 percent of the 8,500 units of housing being built in Gowanus as part of the 2021 neighborhood rezoning will be permanently affordable and set aside for low- and moderate-income residents, and as part of its negotiation with the city, FAC and its coalition members secured a commitment of $200 million in much-needed capital upgrades to local public housing.   

The scale and breadth of this work cannot be separated from its real estate activities. Although FAC has secured significant city and state contract funding and private grants to support its programs, generally one-third to half of its revenues in a given year come from earned income, and developer fees are a sizable portion of that. In short, its ability to deliver affordable housing has subsidized its community work. In the last three years alone, FAC has reinvested nearly $3 million of its earned income directly into programs serving low- and moderate-income New Yorkers.   

But for all the resources FAC has plowed back into its community in the form of services and programs, it now operates at a disadvantage when competing for public subsidies against private developers.  While nonprofit organizations like FAC used the resources it earned from projects to build up neighborhoods and support residents,  private developers used their revenue to build up their businesses and attract equity investors.

This puts the private developers at an advantage for securing public subsidies because a key criterion for winning development contracts is the financial capacity of development entities. As the city and state focus on rapidly increasing housing supply, there’s a risk that we will miss an opportunity to build housing that builds neighborhoods, invests in residents, and advances equity at the same time, by prioritizing for-profit development companies that can build at scale.  

To make sure that we don’t miss this opportunity to build neighborhoods, not just buildings, the public sector should weigh investments in nonprofits differently than investments in for-profits.  Consideration should be given to the multiplier effects that investing in nonprofits brings to surrounding communities, the lives touched and improved beyond the residents of the new housing. 

A more focused understanding of mission investment could focus not just on nonprofit developers, but community land trusts, limited equity co-ops, and other forms of mission-ownership that will keep public investment invested in the civic sector for future generations, not just the current one.  

There’s an important role for philanthropy as well. Private foundations, corporate foundations, and individuals should consider building the financial capacity of nonprofits, so they have the capacity and infrastructure to build housing at scale.

What we’re calling for is not simply operating grants but investments in nonprofits at the enterprise level. This funding would help nonprofits build their financial strength, empowering them to develop even more ambitious affordable housing projects that include essential resources for the people and communities in which they are built. 

Michelle de la Uz is executive director of Fifth Avenue Committee, a Brooklyn-based community development organization. Sam Marks is the chief executive officer of FJC – A Foundation of Philanthropic Funds, and serves on the Board of Directors of Fifth Avenue Committee.

The post Opinion: Why NYC Should Fund The Developers Who Stay Invested appeared first on City Limits.

Gabbard uses surprise White House appearance to attack Trump’s enemies on the Russia investigation

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By DAVID KLEPPER, ERIC TUCKER and CHRIS MEGERIAN

WASHINGTON (AP) — As the national intelligence director, Tulsi Gabbard is responsible for guarding America’s secrets and discovering threats from overseas. But when she made a surprise appearance in the White House briefing room Wednesday, her targets were President Donald Trump’s political enemies.

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Escalating her attempts to undermine the long-settled conclusion that Russia tried to help Trump beat Hillary Clinton for the presidency nearly a decade ago, she unspooled what she called unshakeable proof that then-President Barack Obama and his advisers plotted nothing short of a coup.

“They conspired to subvert the will of the American people,” she said, claiming they fabricated evidence to taint Trump’s victory.

Little of what she said was new, and much of it was baseless. Gabbard said her investigation into the former Democratic administration was designed to stop the weaponization of national security institutions, but it spurred more questions about her own independence atop a spying system intended to provide unvarnished intelligence.

Gabbard, a former Democratic congresswoman from Hawaii who ran for president herself before joining Trump’s idiosyncratic political ecosystem, seemed prepared to use her presentation to burnish her own standing. She was trailed by her cinematographer husband, who held a video camera to capture the moment.

And Trump, who had previously expressed public doubts about Gabbard’s analysis of Iran’s nuclear program, appeared satisfied. He posted a video of her remarks, pinning them at the top of his social media feed.

It was a display that cemented Gabbard’s role as one of Trump’s chief agents of retribution, delivering official recognition of Trump’s grievances about the Russia investigation that shadowed his first term. The focus on a years-old scandal also served Trump’s attempts to shift attention from the Jeffrey Epstein case and questions about the president’s own association with an abuser of underage girls.

Gabbard touts her latest release

During her White House remarks, Gabbard said she has referred the documents to the Justice Department to consider for a possible criminal investigation.

Obama’s post-presidential office declined to comment Wednesday but issued a rare response a day earlier. “These bizarre allegations are ridiculous and a weak attempt at distraction,” said Patrick Rodenbush, an Obama spokesman.

The White House rejected questions about the timing of Gabbard’s revelations and whether they were designed to curry favor with Trump or distract attention from the administration’s handling of files relating to Epstein.

Still, Trump was quick to reward Gabbard’s loyalty this week, calling her “the hottest person in the room.”

On Wednesday, she released a report by Republican staff of the House Intelligence Committee during the first Trump administration. It does not dispute that Russia interfered in the 2016 election but cites what it says were tradecraft failings in the assessment reached by the intelligence community that Russian President Vladimir Putin influenced the election because he intended for Trump to win.

Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard speaks with reporters in the James Brady Press Briefing Room at the White House, Wednesday, July 23, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson)

Gabbard went beyond some of the conclusions of the report in describing its findings from the White House podium. She, along with the report, also seized on the fact that a dossier including uncorroborated tips and salacious gossip about Trump’s ties to Russia was referenced in an annex of an intelligence community assessment made public in 2017 that detailed Russia’s interference.

It was not the basis for the FBI’s decision to open an investigation in July 2016 into potential coordination between the Trump campaign and Russia, but Trump supporters have seized on the unverified innuendo in the document to try to undercut the broader probe.

Timing of the reports prompt questions

Gabbard said she didn’t know why the reports weren’t released during Trump’s first administration. Her office did not respond to questions about the timing of the release.

Responding to a question from a reporter about Gabbard’s motivations, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt accused journalists of looking for a story where there wasn’t one.

“The only people who are suggesting that she would release evidence to boost her standing are the people in this room,” Leavitt said.

Trump, however, has said he wants the media, and the public, to focus on Gabbard’s report and not his ties to Epstein.

“We caught Hillary Clinton. We caught Barack Hussein Obama … you ought take a look at that and stop talking about nonsense,” Trump said Tuesday.

CIA Director John Ratcliffe served briefly as director of national intelligence during Trump’s first term but did not release any of the information declassified by Gabbard. The CIA declined to comment on Gabbard’s remarks Wednesday.

Trump and Gabbard’s evolving relationship

Gabbard told Congress in April that Iran wasn’t actively seeking a nuclear weapon, and Trump dismissed her assessment just before U.S. strikes on Iran.

“I don’t care what she said,” Trump said in June on Air Force One when asked about Gabbard’s testimony.

Gabbard recently shared her findings in an Oval Office meeting with Trump, according to two administration officials who requested anonymity to discuss a private conversation. Afterward, one of the officials said, Trump expressed satisfaction that Gabbard’s findings aligned with his own beliefs about the Russia investigation.

Other recent releases on the Russia investigation

On Friday, Gabbard’s office released a report that downplayed the extent of Russian interference in the 2016 election by highlighting Obama administration emails showing officials had concluded before and after the presidential race that Moscow had not hacked state election systems to manipulate votes in Trump’s favor.

But Obama’s Democratic administration never suggested otherwise, even as it exposed other means by which Russia interfered in the election, including through a massive hack-and-leak operation of Democratic emails by intelligence operatives working with WikiLeaks, as well as a covert influence campaign aimed at swaying public opinion and sowing discord through fake social media posts.

Earlier this month Ratcliffe released a report earlier this month criticizing the 2017 investigation into the election, but it did not address multiple investigations since then, including a report from the Republican-led Senate Intelligence Committee in 2020 that reached the same conclusion about Russia’s influence and motives.

Democrats call for Gabbard’s resignation

Lawmakers from both parties have long stressed the need for an independent intelligence service. Democrats said Gabbard’s reports show she has placed partisanship and loyalty to Trump over her duty and some have called for her resignation.

“It seems as though the Trump administration is willing to declassify anything and everything except the Epstein files,” Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said in a statement Wednesday.

Warner predicted Gabbard’s actions could prompt U.S. allies to share less information for fear it would be politicized or recklessly declassified.

But Gabbard enjoys strong support among Republicans. Rep. Rick Crawford, chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, said she and Ratcliffe were working to put the intelligence community “on the path to regaining the trust of the American people.”

Rep. Jim Himes, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence panel, said Gabbard hasn’t offered any reason to ignore the many earlier investigations into Russia’s efforts.

“The Director is free to disagree with the Intelligence Community Assessment’s conclusion that Putin favored Donald Trump, but her view stands in stark contrast to the verdict rendered by multiple credible investigations,” Himes said in a statement. “Including the bipartisan report released by the Senate Intelligence Committee.”

Google’s AI push pays off with solid second quarter, but doubts about company’s future persist

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By MICHAEL LIEDTKE

SAN FRANCISCO (AP) — Google’s accelerating shift into artificial intelligence helped propel its corporate parent to another quarter of solid growth while a crackdown on its internet empire looms in the background.

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The results released Wednesday for the April-June period provided the latest sign that Google is deftly navigating the technological landscape’s tilt toward AI while still capitalizing on well-worn techniques that have made it the internet’s main gateway for the past quarter century.

That balancing act helped Google parent Alphabet Inc. earn $28.2 billion, or $2.31 per share, during the second quarter, a 19% increase from the same time last year. Revenue climbed 14% from a year ago to $96.4 billion. Both figures easily eclipsed analysts’ projections.

“We had a standout quarter, with robust growth across the company,” Alphabet CEO Sundar Pichai said. “We are leading at the frontier of AI and shipping at an incredible pace. AI is positively impacting every part of the business, driving strong momentum.”

The numbers were initially overshadowed by a disclosure that Alphabet is increasing this year’s budget for capital expenditures by $10 billion to $85 billion as part of its effort to fend off intensifying competition from AI startups such as OpenAI’s ChatGPT and Perplexity. Besides those threats, a federal judge who declared Google’s search engine to be an illegal monopoly is now weighing a range of countermeasures that include requiring the sale of its popular Chrome browser. Alphabet’s shares dipped 1% in extended trading after the quarterly report came out.

After initially dipping following the disclosure about the rising costs of AI, Alphabet’s stock price rebounded and rose by more than 1% in extended trading.

The performance covered a stretch that saw Google bring even more AI technology into its search engine in an effort to maintain its dominance, including the May release of its own version of a conversational answer engine called AI Mode.

That addition supplemented its more than year-old use of extensive summaries called AI Overviews that Google now frequently highlights at the top of its results page while decreasing the number of its traditional links to other websites.

The shake-up has resulted in even more interaction with Google’s search engine and steady earnings growth to support Alphabet’s $2.3 trillion market value, said Jim Yu, chief executive of BrightEdge, a firm that analyzes search trends.

Google’s search-driven ad revenue totaled $54.2 billion in the past quarter, a 12% increase from the same time last year.

“All this AI stuff is not slowing Google down, they are doing a very good job of evolving with the times,” Yu said.

The AI boom has also been fueling demand in Google’s Cloud division that sells computing power and other services. Google Cloud continued to thrive in the past quarter with revenue rising 32% from a year ago to $13.6 billion. The division is under pressure to deliver robust growth from investors to help justify Google’s huge investments in AI technology.

Tesla profit plunges in latest quarter as Musk’s turn to politics continues to keep buyers away

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By BERNARD CONDON

NEW YORK (AP) — The fallout from Elon Musk’s plunge into politics a year ago is still hammering his Tesla business as both sales and profits dropped sharply again in the latest quarter.

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The car company that has faced boycotts for months said Wednesday that revenue dropped 12% and profits slumped 16% in the three months through June as buyers continued to stay away.

“The perception of Elon Musk, its chief executive, has rubbed the sheen right out of what once was a darling and soaring automotive brand,” wrote Forrester analyst Dipanjan Chatterjee in an email. Tesla is “a toxic brand that is inseparable from its leader.”

Quarterly profits at the electric vehicle, battery and robotics company fell to $1.17 billion, or 33 cents a share, from $1.4 billion, or 40 cents a share. That was the third quarter in a row that profit dropped. On an adjusted basis, the company said it earned 40 cents a share, matching Wall Street estimates.

Revenue fell from $25.5 billion to $22.5 billion in the April through June period, slightly above Wall Street’s forecast.

Tesla shares were little changed in after-hours trading as investors wait to hear from Musk on the company’s earnings call later in the afternoon.

Musk, who helped elect President Donald Trump with a massive campaign donation and then headed his DOGE cost-cutting program, has been pinning the future of the company less on car sales and more on robotaxis, automated driving software and robotics. But those businesses are yet to take off, and the gap between promise and profits was apparent in the second quarter.

A big challenge is that potential buyers not just in the U.S. but Europe are still balking at buying Teslas. Musk alienated many in the market for cars in Great Britain, France, Germany and elsewhere by embracing far-right candidates for office on the continent. And rival electric vehicle makers such as China’s BYD and German’s Volkswagen have pounced on the weakness, stealing market share.

Tesla began a rollout of its paid pickup robotaxi service in Austin, Texas, and hopes to introduce the driverless cabs in several other cities soon.