Federal judge refuses to block immigration enforcement operations in houses of worship

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By LINDSAY WHITEHURST and MICHAEL KUNZELMAN

WASHINGTON (AP) — A federal judge on Friday refused to block immigration agents from conducting enforcement operations at houses of worship in a lawsuit filed by religious groups over a new policy adopted by the Trump administration.

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U.S. District Judge Dabney Friedrich in Washington handed down the ruling in a lawsuit filed by more than two dozen Christian and Jewish groups representing millions of Americans.

The judge found that there have been only a handful of such enforcement actions and the faiths had not shown the kind of legal harm that would justify a preliminary injunction.

“At least at this juncture and on this record, the plaintiffs have not made the requisite showing of a ‘credible threat’ of enforcement,” wrote Friedrich, who was appointed by President Donald Trump during his first term. “Nor does the present record show that places of worship are being singled out as special targets.”

On Jan. 20, his first day back in office, Trump’s Republican administration rescinded a Department of Homeland Security policy limiting where migrant arrests could happen. Its new policy said field agents using “common sense” and “discretion” can conduct immigration enforcement operations at houses of worship without a supervisor’s approval.

Plaintiffs’ attorneys claimed the new Homeland Security directive departs from the government’s 30-year-old policy against staging immigration enforcement operations in “protected areas” or “sensitive locations.”

In February, a federal judge in Maryland ruled against the Trump administration in a similar case brought by a coalition of Quakers and other religious groups. U.S. District Judge Theodore Chang’s order in that case was limited to those plaintiffs.

A judge in Colorado sided with the administration in another lawsuit over the reversal of a similar policy that had limited immigration arrests at schools.

Opinion: Hochul’s Desire to Appear Tough on Crime Puts Us All in Danger

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“What New Yorkers in crisis need is housing and wrap around services, which offer long-term stability instead of an endless, involuntary shuffle. Without any real support either inside or outside of psych institutions to address root causes, no one is getting any healthier or safer.”

Gov. Hochul announcing plans to change the state’s discovery laws in January. (Don Pollard/Office of Governor Kathy Hochul)

“Statewide, crimes are down…Shootings are down. But it’s all about perception,” said Gov. Kathy Hochul at the end of February. According to Hochul, crime rates in New York are “not statistically significant, but psychologically significant.” 

Psychological significance is how Hochul is justifying spending $144 million over the last three months to flood the subway with 1,000 additional cops. This is on top of the 750 National Guard troops who have been stationed in our subways since last spring, subjecting riders to random searches. And that’s to say nothing of the already extreme baseline level of police presence in New York’s transit system. There’s little evidence these tough-on-crime tactics actually increase safety, but as Hochul might say, safety isn’t the point. The appearance of safety is.

Optics are expensive. The NYPD is by far the country’s biggest and most expensive police department. Its operating budget costs New Yorkers over $6 billion each year, while pensions, misconduct judgements, and other expenses total another $5 billion. That means New Yorkers are paying over $11 billion per year for the NYPD. For decades, communities have been spending extravagantly on their own punishment instead of investing in life-affirming fundamentals like education, housing, jobs, and healthcare. 

Take, for example, the mental health struggles so obviously and visibly afflicting thousands of New Yorkers. A mentally ill person without housing or medical care in New York is most likely to be met with policing. Unequipped to provide care or support, police officers end up just shipping human beings around from place to place: from the subway to the jail to the psych ward, which acts as prison by another name. This may create the perception that something is “being done,” when all that’s really happening is the spinning of an expensive revolving door. 

Psych wards act as temporary holding places that offer very little in the way of actual care. People are often released without long-term resources, making it more likely for them to find themselves back in the same cycle. What New Yorkers in crisis need is housing and wrap around services, which offer long-term stability instead of an endless, involuntary shuffle. Without any real support either inside or outside of psych institutions to address root causes, no one is getting any healthier or safer. 

This shameful lack of results doesn’t seem to be encouraging Gov. Hochul to change course. In yet another ploy that prioritizes safety optics over safety solutions, the governor is attempting to rollback Kalief’s law, a crucial, even if little known, due process protection.

Kalief Browder was a 16-year-old from the Bronx who was wrongfully accused of stealing a backpack in 2010 and jailed on Rikers Island for three years while awaiting trial. He had no access to the evidence against him in the case, and his family could not afford to pay the $3,000 bail set by a Bronx judge. Even after his release from Rikers, Kalief faced intense emotional and psychological challenges and died by suicide in 2015 at the age of 22.

Named in his memory, Kalief’s law requires that evidence be shared with the defense before any plea deals are struck and well before trial. It’s common sense that prosecutors and police should be able to back up their charges before indefinitely locking people up. But for the opportunity to appear tough on crime, Gov. Hochul is more than happy to repave the way for wrongful convictions and indefinite pre-trial detention. 

This backwards approach makes clear that the governor believes that the perception of safety relies on the state having the power to lock up whoever it wants, whenever it wants, with as little evidence as possible. That’s not safety or justice. It’s a dangerous laziness; an unwillingness to do the hard work of investing in the types of interventions that evidence shows will reduce poverty and instability, like housing, direct and easy access to healthcare, jobs, and more.

No doubt, New Yorkers are concerned about safety—more than half say crime is a problem in their local community. But Gov. Hochul’s focus on perception and optics treats popular fears about safety as if they simply fell out of the sky—contextless and without origin. The reality is that our political and media landscapes inform and reinforce one another’s fixation on crime.

Stoking fears about crime is an evergreen electoral strategy, and our nation’s diversity makes it easy to parlay fears about “others” committing crimes into votes. Meanwhile, local and national media spend an enormous amount of time reporting on crime in New York, even when crime rates are falling. The result is a cycle wherein politicians like Hochul govern based on fears that they themselves helped stoke.

Instead of fear and optics-based governance, New Yorkers need evidence-based solutions that chip away at root causes. Heightened police presence, the carceral revolving door, and all-powerful prosecutors are already part of the everyday reality of life in the Bronx. This three-pronged tough-on-crime strategy isn’t working here, and it won’t work for the rest of the state either. 

If we want to build a safe, thriving New York, we need to invest in our neighborhoods instead of in the state’s prisons. That means protecting Kalief’s law. That means passing Treatment Not Jails, which would disrupt the revolving door and instead invest in actual mental health and substance abuse resources. That means passing legislative packages like Communities Not Cages, which would move New York away from policies that increase recidivism, cost people their entire lives, and cost our communities billions of dollars. 

So long as our leaders prioritize safety optics over safety solutions, New Yorkers will pay the price with not only their taxes but the shape and direction of their lives. It’s time to change course.

Carolyn Strudwick is the managing director of social work for The Bronx Defenders. Brittany McCoy is the managing director of policy at The Bronx Defenders.

The post Opinion: Hochul’s Desire to Appear Tough on Crime Puts Us All in Danger appeared first on City Limits.

Trump reaches deals with 5 law firms, allowing them to avoid prospect of punishing executive orders

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By ERIC TUCKER

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump announced deals Friday with five law firms that will allow them to avoid the prospect of a punishing executive order and require them to together provide hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of free legal services for causes his administration supports.

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The resolutions reflect the Republican president’s continued success in bending prominent law firms to his will as they seek to cut deals with his administration to avoid being targeted by White House sanctions.

The latest firms to reach agreements with the White House are Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft; Kirkland & Ellis; Allen Overy Shearman Sterling US; Simpson Thacher & Bartlett; and Latham & Watkins.

The spate of executive orders directed at the legal community and top law firms over the last two months has been part of a broader effort by Trump to reshape civil society and to extract concessions from entities whose work he opposes. The orders have threatened to upend the day-to-day business of the firms by stripping their lawyers’ security clearances, barring their employees from access to federal buildings and terminating federal contracts held by the firms or their clients.

Since Trump levied the first of his orders, several major law firms — including WilmerHale, Perkins Coie and Jenner & Block — have won court rulings that have temporarily halted enforcement of most of the provisions. But other firms have sought to avert punishment by striking a deal with the White House.

Paul Weiss was the first to do so, agreeing to provide $40 million in pro bono legal services and make other changes in exchange for the administration rescinding an executive order issued just days earlier. Other firms that have since cut deals include Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom, as well as Willkie, Farr & Gallagher, and Milbank.

Some of the firms that have been targeted, including WilmerHale and Jenner & Block, have associations with lawyers who previously investigated Trump or have represented prominent Democrats. The first firm to face an executive order, Covington & Burling, employs lawyers who have provided legal representation to special counsel Jack Smith, who investigated Trump and brought criminal charges against him between his first and second terms.

Follow the AP’s coverage of President Donald Trump at https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump.

At Capitol and Stillwater, a push to commemorate baseball history

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Stew Thornley has been involved with baseball since his childhood growing up in the shadow of the University of Minnesota’s Minneapolis campus, where his mother taught library sciences.

While playing at Marshall High, Thornely was the bat boy for some of Dick Siebert’s Big Ten-winning Gophers baseball teams. He has written more than 20 books on baseball, mostly about the game’s presence in Minnesota, and since 2007 has been an official scorer for Twins games.

Closest to his heart, however, are the places the game is played.

“I love ballparks,” said Thornley, who lives in Roseville.

That’s why Thornley and his colleagues in the Halsey Hall chapter of SABR (Society for American Baseball Research) have worked to get plaques up at the sites of long-gone local diamonds: one at the site where the original St. Paul Saints played on Lexington Parkway, another on Nicollet in Minneapolis where the minor-league Millers once played.

The next one, Thornley hopes, will be where he works as a communications specialist for the State Department of Health, or at least near it. That building is on part of the land of what was known officially as Down Town Ballpark, also known as “the Pillbox” for its once-small footprint on the northern edge of downtown St. Paul.

The area is now home to the state Agricultural and Health Laboratory and a parking garage. The Pillbox was a square stadium with no seating in the outfield, built quickly in 1903 at the corner of 12th and Robert streets and below a part of Summit Avenue that no longer exists.

“It was just a grandstand but it must have been nice. You could see the Capitol being built, and behind the centerfield corner was Central Park,” Thornley said. “The Mechanic Arts school was right across Roberts Street.”

‘A cozy little ballpark’

Thornley estimates there have been about eight professional ballparks in St. Paul, the most recent being CHS Field, home to the Twins Class AAA team, in Lowertown. The Down Town Ballpark was unique.

“It was a cozy little ballpark,” Thornley said, “and like many were, it was made quickly of wood and aluminum. They didn’t last long. If they didn’t burn down, they would rust.”

In use from 1903-10, the stadium was called the “Pillbox” because it was so small, just 201 feet from home plate to the right field wall, and about 280 down the left field line,” according to researcher Jim Hinman. Home runs weren’t awarded for hitting a ball over the fence; batters instead had to reach a pole positioned beyond it. Balls hit over the right field fence were generally ruled ground-rule doubles

The Saints, eager to play some games closer to downtown than Lexington Park farther north, played there. But maybe most of its history comes from Black baseball. The St. Paul Gophers and a team called the Minneapolis Keystone Tigers played there, and in 1909 the park was host to the unofficial Black baseball championship of the West when the Gophers beat hall of famer Rube Foster and the Leland Giants club out of Chicago.

That history, and public opinion, will be the primary factors in whether the Pillbox gets its own commemorative spot on the Capitol grounds, said Tina Chimuzu, planner-fellow for the Capitol Area Architectural and Planning Board (CAAPB), which is responsible for all zoning within the Capitol’s St. Paul campus.

During winters, an ice sheet was created at the “Pillbox,” a St. Paul baseball park, seen in this undated photo. The St. Paul baseball park was on the edge of downtown, near the state Capitol, at 12th and Robert Streets. (Courtesy of the Minnesota Historical Society)

After a statue of Columbus was torn down by protestors in the wake of George Floyd’s murder in 2020, the Capitol Area Architectural and Planning Board — responsible for all zoning within the Capitol’s St. Paul campus — changed its application process, said Erik Cedarleaf Dahl, CAAPB’s executive secretary.

The focus isn’t on the form a commemoration might take but “the story and the connection to Minnesotans and the history of Minnesota, and how it helps tell the story of Minnesota’s diversity and history,” he said.

If approved, the Halsey Hall SABR chapter will be responsible for raising the money to create and maintain a CAAPB design that might include a statewide competition. Ultimately, Dahl said. it will become state property, “And we maintain it in perpetuity.”

A swing in Stillwater

In Washington County, Brent Peterson is trying to get a plaque on the site of a baseball field still in use to commemorate the diamond on which Bud Fowler played as a member of the 1884 Stillwater Loggers. The “old athletic field” at Orleans and Sixth Avenue is owned by the school district.

“They have been somewhat open to the idea of something there, but they had questions about maintenance and liability,” said Peterson, executive director of the Washington County Historical Society. “So, it’s kind of in limbo.”

One of the first Black professional baseball players, Fowler was enshrined in the Baseball Hall of Fame in 2022. Raised in Cooperstown, N.Y., Fowler started his career playing in the eastern United States and Canada.

“In 1884, he stopped in what was known as the Northwestern League and played on the Stillwater team,” Peterson said. “That was really the first place that got people talking about him across the country, because of the local newspaper coverage.”

The team folded that season, but Fowler played more than 50 games for the Loggers before moving on. Later, he tried to start an all-Black league but couldn’t raise enough capital and died in 1913 of consumption before the first Negro League was started — by Foster — in 1920.

Peterson said he plans to resume his conversation with the school district this spring.

“Seventy years later, Bud Grant played for the Loggers,” he said of the longtime Minnesota Vikings coach. “That’s two hall of farmers, in different sports, of course, who played there. I’m open to something that celebrates both Buds.”

How to comment

The CAAPB is accepting comments from the public until 4:30 p.m. May 5 on whether all of the conditions in Minnesota Rules 2400.2703 Subpart 2 have been met for the board to consider the Pillbox application. Comments can be sent to CAAPB planner Tina Chimuzu via email at Tina.Chimuzu@state.mn.us or through the post at Freeman Building, 625 Robert St. N., St. Paul, MN 5515.

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