A “Purple Rain” is going to fall another week.

Hennepin Arts announced Tuesday that producers have added a week of performances of the Prince jukebox musical, which opens in previews Oct. 16 and now runs through Nov. 23 at Minneapolis’ State Theatre. This will be the only extension for the musical, which makes its world premiere before heading to Broadway.

Tickets for the new dates are on sale now through Ticketmaster.

Newcomer musician/songwriter Kris Kollins will play the Kid, aka a semi-autobiographical version of Prince, while Rachel Webb was cast as his love interest, Apollonia.

Based on Prince’s landmark 1984 film, the musical features a story, music and lyrics by Prince; a book by two-time Tony Award winner and Pulitzer Prize recipient Branden Jacobs-Jenkins, based on the original screenplay by Albert Magnoli and William Blinn; choreography by Ebony Williams; and direction by Tony Award-nominee Lileana Blain-Cruz.

Tony Award winner Jason Michael Webb is the production’s music supervisor and will also provide musical arrangements and orchestrations for the production. Longtime Prince music collaborators Bobby Z and Morris Hayes will serve as music advisers.

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Hle Thao started at Indecomm Global Services as an account specialist in 2007 and went on to receive two promotions. But after sloughing off during work hours, he was fired in early 2023.

An Indecomm internal audit then uncovered that Thao had used a “dummy account” to embezzle at least $384,000 from the St. Paul company over several years, prosecutors say.

Hle Thao (Courtesy of the Ramsey County Sheriff’s Office)

Thao, 41, of Maplewood, was charged last week in Ramsey County District Court with five counts of theft by swindle. He’s been released from jail on his own recognizance ahead of a Nov. 29 first appearance on the charges. An attorney is not listed in his court file.

New Jersey-based Indecomm Global Services provides technology and business services for the mortgage industry. At its office along Energy Park Drive, Thao was promoted to a lead accountant position in 2011 and assistant controller three years later.

He was fired in February 2023 for “excessive absenteeism, including for being unreachable” when he was supposed to be working online from home, the complaint says.

The audit showed Thao had created a bogus account — “Pitney Bowes Reserve” — within Indecomm’s software that manages and pays vendors.

The account didn’t raise red flags because Indecomm made “legitimate” payments to several Pitney Bowes accounts, the complaint says.

Thao directed Indecomm payments to his personal Wells Fargo bank account through the fake account, the complaint says.

“The audit further uncovered other transfers of Indecomm funds and payments to other accounts that Thao appears to have owned and/or controlled,” the complaint alleges.

An attorney for Indecomm spoke with Thao by phone and told him the audit showed he had misdirected hundreds of thousands of dollars to his accounts. When the attorney suggested the amount was about $650,000, Thao responded by saying it was “around” that figure, the complaint says.

Thao went on to say during the phone call that he began diverting funds at a time when Indecomm was “not providing him with enough resources or support,” the complaint reads. He added that he spent the funds and did not have money to repay his former employer.

The charges reflect $384,700 that Thao diverted into his Wells Fargo account between Oct. 1, 2020, and March 31, 2023. They do not include funds that Thao transferred into the bank account “through this embezzlement scheme” prior to October 2020, or to his other accounts, the complaint says.

Court records show that Thao was sued by Synchrony Bank in May for a $4,311 outstanding balance on a credit card he was issued on Jan. 26, 2023, just days before he was fired by Indecomm. A June judgement ordered Thao to repay the balance, as well as incurred interest and fees.

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By JIM VERTUNO, Associated Press

AUSTIN, Texas (AP) — The trials for the two former school police officers facing charges over the slow law enforcement response to the 2022 school shooting in Uvalde, Texas, will be delayed, and one will be moved out of the city where the attack occurred, their lawyers said Tuesday.

Former Uvalde schools police chief Pete Arredondo and officer Adrian Gonzales have pleaded not guilty to dozens of counts of child endangerment and abandonment in connection with the massacre at Robb Elementary School. Both men were set to stand trial on Oct. 20.

Gonzales’ trial will be moved to a January start in Corpus Christi, about 200 miles from the school, attorney Nico LaHood said Tuesday. Judge Sid Harle confirmed the agreement for a change of venue for Gonzales, but said no formal order had been filed yet.

Arredondo’s trial is also on hold because of a pending federal lawsuit by local prosecutors that seeks to compel testimony from Border Patrol agents who were on the scene that day. The lawsuit seeks federal court help because a state court cannot compel the agents to testify on matters that relate to their official duties.

Uvalde County District Attorney Christina Mitchell did not respond to a request for comment.

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Teenage gunman Salvador Ramos stormed into the school on May 24, 2022, killing 19 fourth-grade students and two teachers in one of the worst school shootings in U.S. history. The attack is notorious also for the law enforcement response that saw more than 370 responding officers from several local, state and federal agencies wait more than an hour to confront and kill the gunman.

Multiple reports from state and federal officials have laid bare cascading problems in law enforcement training, communication, leadership and technology, and questioned whether officers prioritized their own lives over those of children and teachers.

Arredondo and Gonzales are the only responding officers to face charges from that day. Only Gonzales sought to move his trial out of Uvalde, a city of about 15,000 people. Although both men were originally scheduled for trial the same day, they have separate legal teams.

“We have reviewed all evidence provided to us, by the government, and we have not seen anything that supports the charges against Mr. Gonzales,” LaHood said.

Arredondo’s defense team wants to keep his trial in the city where the attack occurred.

“I think I’ve got a case that screams for a complete exoneration. I believe the people in Uvalde are going to be the most invested and determined to get to the bottom of the facts,” Arredondo’s attorney Paul Looney said.

Arredondo’s case has been held up by the federal lawsuit seeking testimony from the three U.S. Border Patrol agents, two of whom were part of the tactical team that killed Ramos.

That lawsuit claims the federal agents’ testimony could be vital to prosecuting Arredondo. His lawyers believe the testimony could be just as valuable in defending him. Arredondo, who has been identified as the on-scene incident commander that day, has long said he’s been scapegoated for law enforcement’s failures at the school.

The Border Patrol agents gave statements early in the state investigation into the shooting. In a court filing on Monday, the agency confirmed that it refused to allow the agents to testify before a grand jury or at trial.

Looney would not predict when Arredondo might go to trial.

“We don’t have any clue when we’ll be able to try that case. Border Patrol is trying to withhold critical witnesses,” Looney said.

In the month after President Vladimir Putin flew to Alaska to meet his American counterpart, Russia increased its airstrikes on Ukraine by nearly 50% while also sending drones and even fighter planes across NATO borders. In addition to a “drone wall” to secure the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s eastern frontier, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has wisely recognized the need to support Ukrainian dronemakers with an additional $7 billion in funding. The question is how that money will be spent.

Ukraine needs help to ramp up production of all manner of unmanned weapons. It’s recently found success using interceptor drones against the Shahed-style loitering munitions Russia is using to bombard Kyiv and other cities. Better known are the cheap, buzzing “first-person view” quadcopters that have proven a great equalizer on the front lines. Strapped with explosives or used for reconnaissance, they can harass tanks, cut supply lines and break apart Russian formations.

Ukrainian troops provide near real-time feedback to manufacturers, who constantly upgrade the devices and their software to thwart Russian countermeasures. Drones costing less than $500 can disable assets worth millions. They are a major reason Russian advances have been so grindingly slow.

With European and U.S. support, Ukraine has built a formidable industrial base to produce these weapons. By early this year, some 500 private manufacturers were churning out a reported 200,000 units monthly. Ukraine’s defense ministry is aiming to procure about 4.5 million FPV drones this year — more than double last year’s tally. Officials say total production could reach 10 million annually if funds were available.

Western aid hasn’t yet matched the scale of the problem. A 20-nation drone coalition, co-chaired by the UK and Latvia, pledged 2.75 billion Euros to fund 1 million drones this year. Yet much of that money flows to European manufacturers, which delays deliveries and interrupts the frontline feedback loop that is Ukraine’s unique advantage. While von der Leyen’s new commitment — reportedly to be financed using interest income from frozen Russian assets — is far larger, the commission hasn’t yet said whether Ukrainian producers will be the primary beneficiaries.

Russia’s steady progress raises the stakes. Moscow has centralized mass production of both large and small drones, helping it seize the initiative on parts of the front. Ukrainian ingenuity is no longer enough; scale matters.

Denmark offers one model for bridging the gap. The country has acted as the European Union’s agent to channel revenues generated by frozen Russian assets directly to small Ukrainian manufacturers. It has also established a co-production facility that serves Ukraine now but can pivot to supplying Danish forces later. Co-production has advantages: Factories abroad are less vulnerable to Russian strikes and tie Ukrainian know-how into NATO supply chains. Still, distance slows down communications with frontline operators.

Some mix of such strategies makes sense for the new initiative. First and foremost, Europe should scale direct funding of Ukrainian factories to exploit their speed and low costs. At the same time, it can judiciously expand co-production projects that will ultimately contribute to its own defense. For its part, Kyiv is right to lift its unofficial ban on some drone exports; manufacturers hope the additional sales will help underwrite expanded production, thereby lowering per-unit costs.

Cheap drones alone won’t win the war; they have many limitations and also require trained operators, which are in short supply. Ukraine still needs air defenses, artillery and armor, as well as more manpower. But drones are the most cost-effective way to frustrate Russian advances and raise the price of aggression. Europe should fund them fast — and wisely.

— The Bloomberg Opinion Editorial Board