Opinion: Making NYC’s Public Benefits System Truly Accessible

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“Lawmakers must invest in redesigning our public assistance infrastructure, not only in a physical sense but also in a philosophical one. This system reflects what we, as a city, choose to value, and it’s time for that to change.”

The exterior of HRA’s walk-in benefits center, formerly located on Jerome Avenue in The Bronx. (Photo by Adi Talwar)

Earlier this year, a former colleague of mine found themselves in a dire situation. A sudden drop in income left them unable to pay rent, so they applied for a one-time rent assistance deal through the Human Resource Administration (HRA) office. Despite uploading every required document multiple times, both through the app and by showing me the confirmation screenshots, their application was repeatedly denied. Now, they’re on the verge of eviction, not because they failed the system, but because the system failed them. It’s a cruel irony: a process meant to provide emergency relief often functions like a silent blockade.

HRA offices, designed to be lifelines for New Yorkers in financial distress, often resemble obstacle courses. Long waits, confusing check-ins, missing documents, and penalties for minor errors transform a simple request into a psychological and logistical gauntlet. The physical and procedural architecture of these offices sends a clear message: you’re not welcome here. 

This is what architectural historian David Gissen describes as a “disabling form” – a design that prioritizes aesthetics, coherence, and systemic control over the human experience. Although Gissen speaks of “inaccessibility” in physical spaces, his ideas also apply to bureaucratic ones. HRA’s ideal client seems to be endlessly patient, tech-savvy, highly literate, and fluent in “bureaucratese.” Everyone else, a.k.a. real people with urgent needs, are alienated and pushed out. 

Interestingly, technology hasn’t improved the experience either. While the “Access HRA” portal is designed to streamline the application process, it often complicates it by replicating the same barriers in digital form. Virginia Eubanks argues in “Automating Inequality” that online systems tend to “bake in” biases by turning what should be a support mechanism into a silent denial. Let us not forget that people without access to Wi-Fi or basic technological literacy are often left behind. Moreover, proving one’s need can be overwhelming.

Some may argue that rigid policies and processes are necessary to prevent fraud. But what’s the cost of punishing the honest to catch the dishonest? Most importantly, what happens when the people behind the desk are struggling too?

Michael Lipsky’s “Street-Level Bureaucracy” highlights the plight of caseworkers. These workers must enforce complex policies while balancing empathy and care, a task made even more challenging by the lack of necessary resources. They are compelled to rush through interviews in under 30 minutes just to meet quotas, a result of being outnumbered and under-resourced. From my personal experience as a former client interacting with caseworkers, I realized that they often lack the necessary time and proper training to fully understand a client’s complex needs.

Eventually, that compassion calcifies into frustration. Lipsky notes that burned-out caseworkers often default to gatekeeping as a form of survival. I don’t excuse poor conduct that disenfranchises marginalized groups, but I understand it. Many chose this profession to make a difference, yet they’re cast as villains, required to enforce draconian rules with little to no discretion. Everyone loses when both staff and clients are demoralized. 

Optimistically, it doesn’t have to be this way. Imagine walking into an HRA office that feels like a community center, with clear signage and seating that invites comfort, not surveillance. Picture caseworkers who are well-resourced and have the discretion and time to listen. Envision integrating tools like appointment reminders, video interview options, and document trackers into the procedural design; we could eliminate confusion and address anticipated gaps to prevent illegitimate application denials. This is the kind of environment that our public assistance offices should strive to create, one that is welcoming and comfortable for those in need. 

According to a May 2025 press release from City Hall, New York City is finalizing its fiscal year 2026 executive budget. Mayor Eric Adams has dubbed it the “Best Budget Ever,” a balanced budget of $115.1 billion that includes investments in public safety, education, and housing. This is the time to urgently address the structural flaws in our social safety net. Immediate reform is crucial in systems like the HRA, which are designed to uphold our values of affordability and support for low-income New Yorkers. 

We cannot afford another year of policies that disenfranchise the marginalized and exhaust those tasked with assisting them. Lawmakers must invest in redesigning our public assistance infrastructure, not only in a physical sense but also in a philosophical one. This system reflects what we, as a city, choose to value, and it’s time for that to change.

While New Yorkers take pride in their toughness and resilience, we also recognize that compassion and efficiency are not signs of weakness but rather the cornerstones of a functioning system. Our public assistance offices must fulfill their purpose by treating those in need with dignity and improving working conditions, enabling their staff to serve clients more effectively. When politicians tout “cutting red tape” and safety nets, remember my former colleague who is now on the verge of eviction. A system that disables its participants—clients and workers alike—demands urgent transformation. 

We need to hold our city accountable for genuinely ensuring access for marginalized communities. In the most resourceful city in the world, no one should have to hit the bullseye just to get help.

Joy Wefum is a student at Columbia University’s School of General Studies, majoring in Urban Studies with a concentration in Public Health. With a professional background as a patient care coordinator and board member (executive committee) of Legal Services NYC, he is passionate about the intersection of urban design, public systems, health equity, and social justice. 

The post Opinion: Making NYC’s Public Benefits System Truly Accessible appeared first on City Limits.

Washington County Sheriff Dan Starry will not run for re-election

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Washington County Sheriff Dan Starry announced Tuesday that he will not run for a third term.

Washington County Sheriff Dan Starry (Courtesy of Dan Starry)

The position will be up for election in November 2026. Starry said he made the announcement now to “give people plenty of time to think about if they want to get in the race.”

As of Starry’s announcement, one person had filed a campaign finance report indicating he’s running for Washington County sheriff: Jeremy Bolen, who’s worked for the Ramsey County sheriff’s office for 21 years, has a website saying he’ll be officially launching his campaign at a June 20 event.

Starry has been serving as sheriff since he was appointed in 2017 when then-Sheriff Bill Hutton retired. He was elected sheriff in November 2018.

After Starry’s term ends in January 2027, he plans on spending time with his wife, children and grandchildren, according to the announcement.

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2 unidentified campers found dead on Isle Royale National Park

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Two unidentified campers were found dead Sunday on Isle Royale National Park.

Park rangers received two reports at approximately 4 p.m. Sunday of two people dead at a backcountry campground on the Lake Superior island about 15 miles east of Grand Portage, Minn., the Michigan park said in a news release Tuesday morning.

Two rangers hiked 11 miles overnight, arriving Monday morning at the campground, where they confirmed the two people were dead.

The causes of death were unknown, the news release said.

Additional ground and aviation resources responded Monday. The deaths are under investigation.

Isle Royale National Park consists of Isle Royale and approximately 400 adjacent islands. It is accessible by ferry, floatplane and boat.

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Eichorn argues federal prosecutors singling him out after child sex sting

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Former state Sen. Justin Eichorn argues in a new court filing that the U.S. Attorney’s Office of Minnesota is singling him out for prosecution for attempted sexual solicitation of a minor.

Investigators allege that in March, Eichorn exchanged explicit messages with an undercover officer posing as a 17-year-old girl. The Grand Rapids Republican, 41, pleaded not guilty.

Eichorn was among 14 men arrested in a sting operation in Bloomington. But so far, only he and another defendant have been charged federally. They face 10-year mandatory minimum prison sentences if convicted. By contrast, the equivalent state statute, with which they were charged previously in Hennepin County, carries a five-year maximum term.

SMALL FILE — MAX. WIDTH FOR PRINT: 2.2 INCHES — March 20, 2025 courtesy photo of Justin David Eichorn. Eichorn, a former Minnesota state senator from Grand Rapids, was arrested on suspicion of soliciting a minor for sex in Bloomington on Monday, March 17, 2025. Eichorn and 13 other suspects were arrested this month in an undercover sex sting operation in which the suspects believed they were communicating with a 17-year-old girl. Eichorn resigned under fire Thursday, March 20, stepping down before the Senate could vote on whether to expel him. Eichorn was initially arrested on a state charge, but the Minnesota U.S. Attorney’s Office has taken up the case. Eichorn appeared in federal court in St. Paul Thursday afternoon on a federal charge of coercion and enticement of a minor. (Courtesy of the Sherburne County Sheriff’s Office)

Hennepin County prosecutors dismissed their complaint against Eichorn on March 19, the same day they filed the charges, when the U.S. Attorney’s Office filed its own complaint.

Defense attorneys Charles Hawkins and Arthur Waldon argue that Eichorn is being targeted because he was a public official, but they’re not accusing federal prosecutors of partisan bias.

“The only difference between the state and federal prosecutions is the potential punishment,” the defense attorneys write.

They add that federal prosecutors are “attempting to regurgitate the same factual allegations alleged in state court in an indictment to vindictively retaliate against Mr. Eichorn simply because he is a public office holder and exercised his first amendment right to political association and hold office.”

The U.S. Attorney’s Office has yet to submit a response to Eichorn’s motion to dismiss the indictment, which was filed Friday.

Hawkins and Waldon note in their motion that the only other person to face federal charges related to the sting, Marawan Adel Tawleeleh, has a prior sexual assault conviction. Minnesota court records show that Taweeleh, 32, pleaded guilty in 2021 to assaulting a 15-year-old girl.

Hawkins and Waldon argue that because Eichorn has no criminal history, he would likely face only probation if convicted in state court.

They point to the case of Forest Leandrew McElroy, who was arrested in the same sting operation. McElroy, 46, pleaded guilty in May to a child solicitation charge and cocaine possession.

When he’s sentenced in July, McElroy, of Burnsville, faces three years of probation and a maximum of 90 days in jail as part of a plea agreement.

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