Pitted Against Waste

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Editor’s Note: This story is a collaboration between the Texas Observer and Inside Climate News.

For 15 years, Debrah Linn and her children have raised chickens, miniature donkeys, pet geese, and, more recently, longhorn cattle on what she’d considered an idyllic and peaceful farmette near the village of Elysian Fields. 

Her kids ride horses on their shady lane, a 4.3-mile-long country road that undulates through woods filled with standing water that feeds Sacogee Creek and, in summer, waving blossoms of Black-eyed Susans.

A few doors down, Bonnie and Robert Arbuckle, a couple from Shreveport, Louisiana, have kept busy over the last year roughing out their own do-it-yourself retirement dream house on pastureland with a pond stocked with catfish and bass. Waskom-Elysian Fields Road in Harrison County, deep in Northeast Texas, is so quiet that it’s long been used for training by cross-country runners from the high school near its point of origin.

So it attracted curiosity—and concern—when what initially seemed like an oversize pond grew into an enormous wall of dirt on a patch of wetlands across from the Arbuckles’ place. Unbeknownst to them and other locals, the Texas Railroad Commission had already issued a permit to allow the largest oil and gas waste disposal site in the region to be erected on their country road.

Soon, the Arbuckles could see mounds rising and hear the roars of a fleet of dump trucks, cranes, and other heavy construction equipment on that previously undeveloped acreage. And when Bonnie, a U.S. Army vet who knows a thing or two about excavation, introduced herself to the acting site supervisor, she got no answers. “He was friendly and came over,” she recalled. “But then when we started asking questions about what the operation was, it was just closed lips.”

The developer of this massive oilfield waste disposal site sent notices only to adjacent landowners—mostly unoccupied land with absentee owners, including the Texas General Land Office. A legal ad in a nearby small newspaper offered no details and didn’t mention Elysian Fields. These were the only notices required by the Railroad Commission, the state agency that regulates Texas’ oil and gas activities, including its toxic waste disposal. 

Linn and others learned of the project only after the fact when Harrison County Judge Chad Sims, an Elysian Fields native, gathered locals at the village’s volunteer fire department in January.

Records show that a company called M2T, LLC., with a mailing address in faraway Montana, had initially applied for a Railroad Commission permit in January 2022 to handle what is described as “nonhazardous” oil and gas wastes on the 187-acre site. It had been approved in 2023 with no hearing and no local comments.

But Sims told residents who gathered inside the village fire department that he had recently learned that the out-of-state developer was tied to a Longview, Texas, company called McBride Operating LLC, which had already drawn scrutiny and complaints over its existing waste-handling operations in the nearby town of Waskom. Residents were shocked to learn from Sims that the Railroad Commission had, before anyone knew enough to formally protest, already approved this large new waste site on the same Waskom-Elysian Fields road where Sims’ daughter and other high school cross-country runners regularly practiced.

In 2019, McBride Operating had obtained a five-year permit from the Railroad Commission to operate the waste-handling center in Waskom, on an industrial site on the frontage road along Interstate 20, about 5 miles north of the Elysian Fields construction site. McBride Operating’s permit for Waskom expired in mid-2024. The commission staff then declined to renew it this February—a rare action by the pro-business agency. The denial came, records show, after the company had ignored instructions by agency employees and committed dozens of violations of state rules, including unauthorized construction and expansion, unauthorized waste disposal, and evidence of ongoing groundwater contamination. 

McBride Operating never stopped running the Waskom site, even after the commission pulled its permit in February. It was able to do so because the company appealed.

Debrah Linn stands near the construction site of a new McBride facility for oil and gas waste disposal in Elysian Fields. (Shelby Tauber/Texas Observer)

Earlier this year, Linn began regularly driving her trusty Suburban SUV by the existing McBride waste site in Waskom to survey what might be coming to Elysian Fields. She worried even more about the excavation on her road after hearing Waskom residents complain that they could smell the operation from as far as 2 miles away. “Now the people that live closer, they have been complaining of headaches, nausea, things like that,” she said during one recent visit. “So that’s what my big worry is because my daughter has asthma and she struggles a lot with that. And I don’t want to be run out of my home by someone who doesn’t … play by the rules.”

Some complained about the odors to the Railroad Commission. McBride’s operations manager, Carrie Dowden, admitted as part of a deposition in a lawsuit filed by an employee who was overcome by chemical fumes that the company “can’t control the smell.” In a response to this report, a company spokesperson noted that McBride has never been fined for odors and that other businesses contribute to smells in the town.

Even as McBride Operating negotiated to stay open in Waskom, and pursued its options in Elysian Fields, the company had been simultaneously fighting other local opponents to secure a permit for another oilfield waste landfill 50 miles south near the town of Paxton, on a proposed site near wells that supply public drinking water. 

But the massive Elysian Fields project would be McBride’s largest yet.

Linn soon found herself joining a growing and eclectic group of East Texans—including folks who consider themselves pro-oil and gas—who banded together to fight McBride’s expansions in Elysian Fields and Paxton and its efforts to continue in Waskom. Her allies included local teachers, a pastor who doubles as a rural water official, and a pair of ranchers. 

Cattleman Terry Allen was fighting a court battle to halt McBride’s plans for Paxton. In Waskom, an octogenarian rancher named Jerry Cargill was pursuing all legal avenues to get McBride shut down. Both men traveled back and forth to Austin to appeal to the Railroad Commission, state legislators, and anyone who might listen.

Linn, tied down by family obligations and the need to tend farm animals, got on her computer and used her considerable research skills to dig—discovering quickly that McBride had racked up many more violations than other active oil and gas waste pit operators in East Texas. She wondered why there were so many waste pits in her area, right along the Louisiana state line.

Everyone worried that the litany of violations at Waskom, a site that had previously been an industrial area, would be repeated on pristine flood-prone acreage in Paxton and Elysian Fields. But their concerns gained little traction with decision-makers in Austin, and some were shocked when the only elected Railroad Commissioner from East Texas, Wayne Christian, who’d initially seemed friendly to their arguments, began advocating for McBride. 

Christian defended McBride, stating that more waste disposal capacity was urgently needed in Northeast Texas, part of the Haynesville-Bossier Shale, which runs into northwest Louisiana. It follows the Marcellus Shale in Pennsylvania and the Permian Basin in West Texas as the third-most-productive natural gas basin in the country. 

But Linn and others swear they spotted many trucks with Louisiana plates unloading fracking waste at McBride’s facility—and fear their rural communities were becoming dumping grounds for the neighboring state. Linn figured it was no coincidence that two new proposed pits in Paxton and Elysian Fields were only minutes from the state line. “If we didn’t have the Louisiana business, would these [facilities] even be here?” Linn said. “I don’t think they would.”

Oil and gas wells produce prodigious amounts of waste. One horizontal well generates upwards of 8,000 barrels—or 336,000 gallons—of waste during the drilling and completion process, according to the Texas company Milestone Environmental. As oil and gas production soared to record highs in Texas, the industry needed more capacity to dispose of all the waste. Disposal wells and landfills opened and expanded from the Permian Basin to the Haynesville Shale. 

As of August 2025, there were 86 commercial surface waste disposal facilities permitted by the Railroad Commission. Six of those are in the agency’s East Texas District 6, headquartered in Henderson. Some facilities, like the one in Waskom, separate solid and liquid waste. Much of the liquid waste is injected underground in disposal wells. The solid waste, which includes drill cuttings and muds, is permanently buried in pits or commercial landfills. 

Jerry Cargill attends a Railroad Commission hearing in July. (Brenda Bazán/Texas Observer)

That waste can contain benzene, toluene, ethylbenzene, xylene, and other harmful constituents. But industry lobbyists succeeded in classifying this waste as nonhazardous under the federal Resource Conservation and Recovery Act.

McBride’s Waskom facility currently separates and sends solid waste to an industrial landfill in Mount Pleasant. The liquid waste is injected into a disposal well on-site. The McBride landfills planned for Paxton and Elysian Fields could accept the waste that is currently sent to Mount Pleasant.

By the time Linn and others first learned about the company’s permitted plans for Elysian Fields in early 2025, Cargill had already been fighting McBride’s Waskom facility in the Railroad Commission’s administrative law courts for years.

Cargill, 82, grew up 20 miles away in Marshall, the county seat, while making frequent visits to the ranch his grandparents owned outside Waskom. In the 1980s, he bought out his relatives to become the sole owner of the 600-plus-acre property. After retiring from a long career in beverage sales, Cargill now lives on the ranch. He took notice of McBride soon after the site in Waskom opened, in 2020.

Cargill watched with concern as heavy trucks barreled down the highway to McBride, where they loaded and unloaded wastewater and solids. Cargill had flown drones over the site and observed how heavy rainfall would wash runoff from the waste stored on-site toward his property. He worried that two nearby creeks—Big Sis and Little Sis—could become conduits for pollution to reach his land. Cargill declined to be interviewed for this story but made his sentiments clear in statements to the commission and in documents filed by his attorneys. 

For years, McBride accumulated violations during Railroad Commission inspections. Regulators issued 68 violations during the company’s first five years of operations in Waskom (2020 through 2024). Many violations were for disposal of solid oil and gas waste in pits that McBride built but were not authorized in its permit, and failure to comply with the permit. The facility was also added to the commission’s Operator Cleanup Program, which manages complex environmental remediation cases, after groundwater contamination was found on-site. Inspection reports found leaking tanks of produced water and waste piled on the ground outside the pits. 

Despite dozens of violations, the Railroad Commission fined McBride only once in this five-year period: a $668 penalty issued in November 2024 for a spill that occurred in 2023. Inspectors found that the spill of extremely salty produced water had traveled more than 300 feet in the direction of a creek.

Company spokesperson Charlie Rose said that many of these violations of “unpermitted” disposal fell under a “catchall” category in the Railroad Commission rules that “includes any violation of a permit provision under which a commercial waste management facility operates.

“Of the referenced violations, all but one were resolved immediately upon reinspection. The single exception occurred during our first year of operation and involved a spill incident that required follow-up,” Rose said. “In every case, we responded promptly and effectively.”

Railroad Commission spokesperson Bryce Dubee said that McBride, like other operators, is given an opportunity to address violations before it is referred to legal enforcement. 

Meanwhile, other government regulators were uncovering problems at McBride.

On the night of February 6, 2024, Pedro Julian Garcia died in a workplace accident at McBride’s Waskom site. Garcia, a 26-year-old father of two, was fixing a leaking pump when the valve blew off, fatally striking him in the chest. McBride had no written procedures for repairing hazardous electrical equipment, like the pump, and its employees had no training to perform such tasks, according to an Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) investigation. 

OSHA, the federal agency that enforces workplace safety laws, had never previously inspected the McBride site. It ultimately fined the company $32,264 for 12 violations. McBride later settled a lawsuit with Garcia’s family.

A lawsuit filed by Jaire Jackson, a worker injured in 2021 while cleaning one of McBride’s tanks, uncovered other issues at the site. In a 2022 deposition, Dowden, the operations manager, said that she’d previously worked as a bartender and had no prior oilfield experience when she was hired as a supervisor. She described her office as a “mess,” said workers were not provided with protective gear, and claimed she did not know if there was any operating manual for the site. 

Rose said that the company’s safety program has been expanded in recent years and that every employee undergoes extensive training. 

Trucks drop off waste at the McBride oil and gas disposal facility in Waskom in late September. (Shelby Tauber/Texas Observer)

Cargill formally protested McBride’s permit renewal when the application was filed in 2024. Evidence to support the protest would come later. First, the Railroad Commission would have to determine whether Cargill had legal standing to protest the permit. If he was found to have standing, a full hearing would be scheduled before a Railroad Commission administrative law judge.

In February 2025, Cargill filed a separate complaint with the Railroad Commission, asking for a hearing in which McBride would have to show why its permit should be renewed and not canceled. The complaint filing contended that McBride had consistently violated statewide rules for oil and gas waste, that groundwater had been contaminated at the site, and that contamination had not been remediated. 

“Mr. Cargill’s claims are part of a seemingly coordinated effort that has now expanded to the media,” Rose said when asked about those complaints.

Cargill was not the only party to protest renewal when McBride’s first five-year permit was set to expire, on July 30, 2024. Other local landowners and the City of Waskom filed their own protests too. In February 2025, it seemed as though they’d won a victory: A letter from the commission’s technical permitting division laid out numerous ways McBride had violated the terms of its first permit, denied the permit renewal, and ordered the facility to shut down.

“Commission staff has attempted to work with the operator to address these concerns,” Railroad Commission engineer Alisa Patterson wrote. “However, after several meetings and a series of request[s] for additional data (RAD) letters, staff concludes that the amendment and renewal permit application cannot be approved.”

Cargill, still building his case against McBride, thought his concerns were finally being heard.

But McBride’s attorney, John Hicks, appealed the permit rejection, which, under commission rules, allowed McBride to continue its operations while the appeals process proceeded. During a June visit, its truckers’ lounge and loading docks were bustling with activity, as rumbling trucks came and went from the stretch of Interstate 20 that leads to Louisiana, only a few minutes east of the site.

Both sides prepared for a July 31 prehearing before a Railroad Commission administrative law judge to hear the merits of Cargill’s permit protest and complaint. Cargill’s lawyers would argue why he should be granted standing to protest the permit renewal. Hicks would argue why the facility should stay open and why Cargill was undeserving of standing in the administrative court. 

Then, less than 24 hours before the prehearing was set to begin, a Railroad Commission lawyer notified the legal teams that the agency had settled with McBride. The two-paragraph notice retracted the denial and gave McBride 90 days to submit engineering plans to resolve the outstanding problems and continue operating.

Nonetheless, the legal teams arrived at the Railroad Commission hearing room in Austin the next morning. Attorneys George Neale and Charles Zhang, representing Cargill, argued that McBride had already been given more than enough time to resolve the numerous rule violations. They pointed out that after the site was added to the Railroad Commission’s cleanup program in 2021, it took McBride four years to submit a cleanup plan.

“[McBride] is one of, if not the worst, operators in the state of Texas,” Zhang said. “They’ve had four years of second chances.”

But Hicks argued that Cargill’s complaints were “entirely inappropriate” and circumvented the Railroad Commission’s existing protocols.

Cargill watched the proceedings with anxious attentiveness, nervously clicking a pen. He took the stand after lunch and implored the Railroad Commission to rein in McBride, saying he felt a duty to report the violations he had observed. He told the judge that he thought Joseph McBride, the Longview entrepreneur who formed McBride Operating in 2013, was “stalling because he wants to open his next landfill,” echoing a theory posited by other East Texans.

“This isn’t the way to run a business. … They’re playing games with our environment,” Cargill said. “If someone does something wrong, why would you give him five years to fix that?”

Given that the Railroad Commission had reached a settlement the day before, Cargill knew the agency would reconsider the permit application and the progress he had achieved could slip away. He had driven five hours from his ranch to Austin. On the way home, he would stop at a Dallas doctor’s office for a heart checkup. 

His lawyers withdrew the complaint asking for a “show cause” hearing in September. At that time, the administrative law judge had not yet ruled on whether Cargill would be given standing to protest the permit renewal.

In September, Rose said the company had already submitted “preliminary proposals” as part of the settlement and is “working through finalizing the detailed engineering documents.” He said the company cannot disclose the specifics but is “committed to full transparency and compliance.”

In an email, Dubee, the Railroad Commission spokesperson, said that if agency staff is not “satisfied these remedies will be implemented,” the matter can be denied and the permit sent back again for another hearing.

Cargill and Linn both fretted that McBride was simply using lawyers to buy time until the Elysian Fields facility could open. The Railroad Commission staff had already found McBride’s stormwater plans in Waskom to be insufficient to protect ground and surface water. In the low-lying Elysian Fields construction site, Linn foresaw worse problems. The construction site, part of the headwaters of Sacogee Creek, was full of standing water when a local television crew went out to film in January. Residents worry that once the pits are filled with heaping piles of chemical-laden waste, runoff or flooding could contaminate local waterways.

George Neale, an attorney representing Cargill, points to a map showing the site of a McBride waste pit. (Brenda Bazán/Texas Observer)

In responses for this story, Rose said the company has designed a stormwater system for the site’s specific terrain that includes elevated containment and retention features that would prevent water from the site from reaching nearby estuaries. 

Environmental advocates point to how pollution from oilfield waste landfills in areas like Western Pennsylvania have fouled local creeks and raised health concerns among residents. “When you dispose of drill cuttings in a landfill and it rains, it’s going to take all of the contaminants and soak through the whole landfill like a tea,” said Matt Kelso, of the nonprofit organization FracTracker Alliance, based in Pennsylvania.

The Paxton, Elysian Fields, and Waskom sites are all in low-lying areas minutes from the Louisiana state line. Though East Texas produces plenty of its own oil and gas waste, records show that many of the pits in the region have been profiting by accepting chemicals, mud, and other byproducts from Louisiana oil and gas operators. 

Louisiana does not have any solid oilfield waste disposal facilities in the Haynesville-Bossier Shale, according to the state’s Department of Natural Resources. Louisiana also has stronger regulations for injection wells that accept liquid waste from oil and gas fields. Louisiana requires that the waste be tested and logs recorded for injection well sites. In Texas, oilfield waste sites must certify only that they do not accept waste containing naturally occurring radioactive material, which can be present in some fracking waste. (Additional testing is required only for substances not exempted from federal hazardous waste rules.)

The Texas Railroad Commission itself does not track what proportion of waste comes from out of state. For this story, Inside Climate News analyzed quarterly reports made to the Railroad Commission by five waste facilities in East Texas between 2022 and 2024. Three reported accepting waste from Louisiana. Charles Holston, Inc., in Center, Texas, reported that three-quarters of the waste it accepted came from Louisiana. More than half the waste processed at the Top Cat Truck Wash in Panola County came from Louisiana. Across the state, in the Permian Basin, waste sites are known to accept drilling waste from neighboring New Mexico.

McBride’s quarterly reports from that period indicate waste arriving at the Waskom facility came from Texas. But Rose noted that those reports do not include liquid waste directly injected into two wells there. He said that both the Waskom and Elysian Fields facilities can accept waste from any operator that meets Texas regulations, including Louisiana sites.

“New Mexico and Louisiana have recognized the danger of this waste,” said Terry Allen, the cattleman who’s fighting another McBride project in the town of Paxton. “They’re making Texas the dumping ground.”

For more than four years, McBride’s proposal to build yet another waste pit 50 miles south of Waskom near the village of Paxton was blocked—temporarily at least—by the Railroad Commission. Two different administrative law judges ruled that the application should be denied in part because of evidence provided by Allen and by a rural water company that the site could compromise wells only 1,200 feet away that provide a significant amount of the county’s water supply. 

“This is our aquifer. This is where we get our drinking water from,” said Eric Garrett, who runs Paxton Water. For him, the risks of even a tiny bit of poison seeping into those wells was too high.

But ultimately, the final decision would go to a vote by the three railroad commissioners, who are all elected Republicans. Paxton community members hoped that Christian, a former state representative from Center, would listen to the concerns of his Shelby County neighbors and oppose the permit.

When the vote came in January 2025, Commissioner Jim Wright, who owns oilfield waste companies, and Commissioner Christian voted to issue the permit. They overruled Commissioner Christi Craddick, the sole vote in opposition. All three commissioners have accepted campaign contributions. From 2020 to 2025, McBride and McBride Operating contributed more than $90,000 to the three commissioners, including recent contributions to Craddick’s campaign for state comptroller. At the same time, the company plowed between $336,000 and $778,000 into lobbying, records show. 

In an emailed statement, Wright said that feedback received through the hearings resulted in additional safeguards to address local residents’ concerns. He also said there is a “significant lack” of permitted oilfield waste disposal in East Texas. 

In a statement for this story, Christian said the project would bring “real paychecks, tax revenue for our schools and roads, and a chance to bring life back to communities that have been left behind.

“Rural Texas has been losing jobs and families for decades, and we can’t afford to turn away investment,” he added.

Christian previously wrote a letter to the Light and Champion newspaper in Center to explain his vote. “The idea that this project could have simply been blocked because it is in my local county is a misunderstanding of the law,” he wrote. “If a company meets the legal requirements, we cannot arbitrarily deny a permit.”

He also claimed that opposition to the permit was pushed by outside groups with “radical, anti-energy policies.” Much of the opposition “around this permit hasn’t come from landowners—it’s been manufactured by professional activist groups from outside our region,” he wrote.

Garrett, of Paxton Water, had a different view. “What is totally baffling to me is that despite the recommendations of their own people, Commissioner Wright and Commissioner Christian felt like they knew better than their own staff,” he told the Observer. “How do you explain that?” 

Linn wrote her own letter to the paper. She argued that the only outside interests involved were the Louisiana oil and gas companies that would get to dump their waste in Texas. “The protection of our water is non-negotiable and not a partisan issue,” she wrote. “Why are Texas taxpayers liable for other states’ toxic waste?”

Allen is relieved that, for now, McBride has not started construction in his town, but he has continued to fight the company on other fronts.

It’s possible that all that waste will now arrive in Elysian Fields, where some local residents and the village’s high school and elementary school depend on groundwater wells within a few miles of the landfill, according to the county judge and other local residents.

McBride’s spokesperson said that construction at Elysian Fields is “nearing completion” and that the site will begin accepting waste “once every safety and environmental measure is fully in place.”  

By September, Linn said she’d already seen more trucks making deliveries to the site, where plastic pieces of what look like a liner have been lying out in the sun for months. In an email, Rose confirmed that a liner had been delivered but said operations have not yet begun. He said there’s no estimated construction date for Paxton.

The Socagee Creek flows near the Elysian Fields waste disposal site. (Shelby Tauber/Texas Observer)

Allen’s experience challenging the permit has motivated him, along with Linn and others, to advocate for changes to Texas laws governing oilfield waste. Allen traveled to the state Capitol in April to testify before the House Energy Resources Committee on two bills that would, respectively, require companies to notify landowners before burying oil and gas waste and demonstrate the necessity of a commercial oil and gas landfill when applying for a permit. He urged lawmakers to consider the compliance history of operators that are applying for new permits.

State Representative Jay Dean, whose district includes Waskom and Longview, responded to Allen’s comments and said that McBride has a way of “eluding” regulators. “If you’re going to be in that business—the rules, regulations, processes—you need to follow them, and nobody should get an exception,” he said.

Linn and Allen are working to found an organization called Texas Legacy Defense to assist communities, so far with members from Shelby, Panola, Harrison counties. “Because no one is listening,” Linn said. They like to say the group began when a “retired banker, a pastor, an editor, and a nurse walked into a room. It might sound like the setup to a joke, but that’s actually how Texas Legacy Defense began—in the fellowship room of a little country church.”

Allen bristles at the suggestion that outside interest groups are backing the movement against McBride. “I can tell you unequivocally that there have been no outside funds from any outside interests,” he said. “It’s all from people who are concerned that our groundwater, our land, and our air will be contaminated from this rogue operator.”

To drive home the point, Allen paid to hang banners in Shelby County calling Christian and Wright “Proven Liars.” In an email, Wright’s spokesperson disagreed: “Chairman Wright may be a lot of things, but a liar isn’t one of them.”

The East Texas waste dumps remain flash points for the growing number of Texans voicing their discontent with the Railroad Commission. Commissioner Wright is up for reelection in 2026. One of the first contenders to announce a campaign was Hawkins “Hawk” Dunlap, himself a native of East Texas and a longtime oilfield firefighter.

One of Dunlap’s first campaign stops was in Waskom.

Peter Aldhous contributed data analysis for this story.

The post Pitted Against Waste appeared first on The Texas Observer.

House explosion in Southern California injures 8 and damages nearby homes

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CHINO HILLS, Calif. (AP) — A house exploded in a Southern California neighborhood, injuring eight people and damaging two homes nearby, with firefighters evacuating a total of 16 homes.

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Firefighters in Chino Hills did not say what caused the explosion Sunday, but said that a gas leak had been stopped. Photos and video from the scene showed the house reduced to a pile of rubble.

“Crews will remain on scene to continue the overhaul and investigation,” the Chino Valley Fire District posted online.

The fire department said four people were taken from the home to a hospital, and four others brought themselves. Their conditions were not immediately known.

KABC-TV reported witnesses said they saw people running from the exploded home, including children crying for help.

People whose homes were not damaged were later allowed to return.

A phone message seeking comment was left with the Southern California Gas Company.

Chino Hills has about 78,000 people and is about 35 miles southeast of Los Angeles.

There’s an issue that people in big cities and rural areas agree on, according to a new poll

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By THOMAS BEAUMONT, SIMRAN PARWANI and AMELIA THOMSON-DEVEAUX, Associated Press

DES MOINES, Iowa (AP) — Pessimism about the country’s future has risen in cities since last year, but rural America is more optimistic about what’s ahead for the U.S., according to a new survey from the American Communities Project.

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And despite President Donald Trump’s insistence that crime is out of control in big cities, residents of the nation’s largest metropolitan centers are less likely to list crime and gun violence among the chief concerns facing their communities than they were a couple years ago.

Optimism about the future is also down from last year in areas with large Hispanic communities.

These are some of the snapshots from the new ACP/Ipsos survey, which offers a nuanced look at local concerns by breaking the nation’s counties into community types, using data points like race, income, age and religious affiliation. The survey evaluated moods and priorities across the 15 different community types, such as heavily Hispanic areas, big cities and different kinds of rural communities.

The common denominator across the communities? A gnawing worry about daily household costs.

“Concerns about inflation are across the board,” said Dante Chinni, founder and director of ACP. “One thing that truly unites the country is economic angst.”

Rising optimism in rural areas, despite economic anxiety

Rural residents are feeling more upbeat about the country’s trajectory — even though most aren’t seeing Trump’s promised economic revival.

A new survey from The American Communities Project shows that residents of America’s Big Cities are less likely to list crime or gun violence among the top issues facing their communities than they were in 2023. The ACP/Ipsos survey offers a nuanced look at local concerns by breaking the nation’s counties into 15 different community types, such as heavily Hispanic areas, big cities and different kinds of rural communities.

The $15 price tag on a variety pack of Halloween candy at the Kroger supermarket last month struck Carl Gruber. Disabled and receiving federal food aid, the 42-year-old from Newark, Ohio, had hardly been oblivious to lingering, high supermarket prices.

But Gruber, whose wife also is unable to work, is hopeful about the nation’s future, primarily in the belief that prices will moderate as Trump suggests.

“Right now, the president is trying to get companies who moved their businesses out of the country to move them back,” said Gruber, a Trump voter whose support has wavered over the federal shutdown that delayed his monthly food benefit. “So, maybe we’ll start to see prices come down.”

About 6 in 10 residents of Rural Middle America — Newark’s classification in the survey — say they are hopeful about the country’s future over the next few years, up from 43% in the 2024 ACP survey. Other communities, like heavily evangelical areas or working-class rural regions, have also seen an uptick in optimism.

Kimmie Pace, a 33-year-old unemployed mother of four from a small town in northwest Georgia, said, “I have anxiety every time I go to the grocery store.”

But she, too, is hopeful in Trump. “Trump’s in charge, and I trust him, even if we’re not seeing the benefits yet,” she said.

Big-city residents are worried about the future

By contrast, the share of big-city residents who say they are hopeful about the nation’s future has shrunk, from 55% last year to 45% in the new survey.

Robert Engel of San Antonio — Texas’ booming, second most-populous city — is worried about what’s next for the U.S., though less for his generation than the next. The 61-year-old federal worker, whose employment was not interrupted by the government shutdown nor Trump’s effort to reduce the federal workforce, is near retirement and feels financially stable.

A stable job market, health care availability and a fair economic environment for his adult children are his main priorities.

Recently, the inflation outlook has worsened under Trump. Consumer prices in September increased at an annual rate of 3%, up from 2.3% in April, when the president first began to roll out substantial tariff increases that burdened the economy with uncertainty.

Engel’s less-hopeful outlook for the country is broader. “It’s not just the economy, but the state of democracy and polarization,” Engel said. “It’s a real worry. I try to be cautiously optimistic, but it’s very, very hard.”

Crime, gun violence are less a concern in urban America

Trump had threatened to deploy the National Guard to Chicago, New York, Seattle, Baltimore, San Francisco and Portland, Oregon, to fight what he said was runaway, urban crime.

Yet data shows most violent crime in those places, and around the country, has declined in recent years. That tracks with the poll, which found that residents of America’s Big Cities and Middle Suburbs are less likely to list crime or gun violence among the top issues facing their communities than they were in 2023.

For Angel Gamboa, a retired municipal worker in Austin, Texas, Trump’s claims don’t ring true in the city of roughly 1 million people.

“I don’t want to say it’s overblown, because crime is a serious subject,” Gamboa said. “But I feel like there’s an agenda to scare Americans, and it’s so unnecessary.”

Instead, residents of Big Cities are more likely to say immigration and health care are important issues for their communities.

Big Cities are one of the community types where residents are most likely to say they’ve seen changes in immigration recently, with 65% saying they’ve seen a change in their community related to immigration over the past 12 months, compared with only about 4 in 10 residents of communities labeled in the survey as Evangelical Hubs or Rural Middle America.

Gamboa says he has witnessed changes, notably outside an Austin Home Depot, where day laborers regularly would gather in the mornings to find work.

Not anymore, he said.

“Immigrants were not showing up there to commit crimes,” Gamboa said. “They were showing up to help their families. But when ICE was in the parking lot, that’s all it took to scatter people who were just trying to find a job.”

Hispanic communities are less hopeful about the future

After Hispanic voters moved sharply toward Trump in the 2024 election, the poll shows that residents of heavily Hispanic areas are feeling worse about the future of their communities than they were before Trump was elected.

Carmen Maldonado describes her community of Kissimmee, Florida, a fast-growing, majority-Hispanic city of about 80,000 residents about 22 miles (35 kilometers) south of Orlando, as “seriously troubled.”

The 61-year-old retired, active-duty National Guard member isn’t alone. The survey found that 58% of residents of such communities are hopeful about the future of their community, down from 78% last year.

“It’s not just hopelessness, but fear,” said Maldonado, who says people in her community — even her fellow native Puerto Ricans, who are American citizens — are anxious about the Trump administration’s aggressive pursuit of Latino immigrants.

Just over a year ago, Trump made substantial inroads with Hispanic voters in the 2024 presidential election.

Beyond just the future of their communities, Hispanic respondents are also substantially less likely to say they’re hopeful about the future of their children or the next generation: 55% this year, down from 69% in July 2024.

Maldonado worries that the Trump administration’s policies have stoked anti-Hispanic attitudes and that they will last for her adult child’s lifetime and beyond.

“My hopelessness comes from the fact that we are a large part of what makes up the United States,” she said, “and sometimes I cry thinking about these families.”

Parwani and Thomson-DeVeaux reported from Washington.

The American Communities Project/Ipsos Fragmentation Study of 5,489 American adults aged 18 or older was conducted from Aug. 18 – Sept. 4, 2025, using the Ipsos probability-based online panel and RDD telephone interviews. The margin of sampling error for adults overall is plus or minus 1.8 percentage points.

New analysis shows more US consumers are falling behind on their utility bills

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By JOSH BOAK, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — More people are falling behind on paying their bills to keep on the lights and heat their homes, according to a new analysis of consumer data — a warning sign for the U.S. economy and another political headache for President Donald Trump.

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Past due balances to utility companies jumped 9.7% annually to $789 between the April-June periods of 2024 and 2025, said The Century Foundation, a liberal think tank. The increase has overlapped with a 12% jump in monthly energy bills during the same period.

Consumers usually prioritize their utility bills along with their mortgages and auto debt, said Julie Margetta Morgan, the foundation’s president. The increase in both energy costs and delinquencies may suggest that consumers are falling behind on other bills, too.

“There’s a lot of information out there about rising utility costs, but here we can actually look at what that impact has been on families in terms of how they’re falling behind,” Margetta Morgan said.

Troubles paying electricity and natural gas bills reflect something of an economic quandary for Trump, who is promoting the buildout of the artificial intelligence industry as a key part of an economic boom he has promised for America. But AI data centers are known for their massive use of electricity, and threaten to further increase utility bills for everyday Americans.

These troubles also come as Trump faces political pressure from voters fed up with the high cost of living.

Ever since Republicans saw their fortunes sag in off-year elections this month and affordability was identified as the top issue, Trump has been trying to convince the public that prices are falling. Fast-rising electricity bills could be an issue in some congressional battlegrounds in next year’s midterm elections.

Trump has put a particular emphasis on prices at the pump. Gasoline accounts for about 3% of the consumer price index, slightly less than the share belonging to electricity and natural gas bills — meaning that possible savings on gasoline could be more than offset by higher utility bills.

The president maintains that any troubling data on inflation is false and that Democrats are simply trying to hurt his administration’s reputation.

“In fact, costs under the TRUMP ADMINISTRATION are tumbling down, helped greatly by gasoline and ENERGY,” Trump posted on social media Friday. “Affordability is a lie when used by the Dems,”

Nearly 6 million households have utility debt “so severe” that it will soon be reported to collection agencies, according to the foundation’s analysis, drawn from the University of California Consumer Credit Panel.

During Trump’s first six months in office, there was a 3.8% increase in households with severely overdue utility bills.

“Voters are frustrated and families are hurting because these tech giants are cutting backroom deals with politicians, and it’s causing their power bills to go up,” said Mike Pierce, executive director of the advocacy group Protect Borrowers, which contributed to the analysis. “If the Trump administration doesn’t want to do its job and protect families and make life more affordable, I guess that’s its choice.”

Both Margetta Morgan and Pierce previously worked at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, a government agency formed in part to track trends in household borrowing to prevent potential abuses. The Trump administration has essentially shut down the bureau.

The administration has so far said it has no responsibility for any increases in electricity prices, since those are often regulated by state utility boards. The White House maintains that utility costs are higher in Democratic states that rely on renewable forms of energy.

“Electricity prices are a state problem,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told ABC News this month. “There are things that the federal government can control. Local electricity prices are not one of them.”

The Century Foundation analysis counters that the Trump administration is contributing to higher utility costs “by impeding renewable energy generation” including solar and wind power.

While the new analysis is a warning sign, other economic analyses on consumers suggest their finances are stable despite some emerging pressures.

The New York Federal Reserve has said delinquency rates of 90 days or more for mortgages, auto loans and student debt have each increased over the past 12 months, though it said mortgage delinquencies are “relatively low.” An analysis of debit and credit card spending by the Bank of America Institute showed that consumers’ “overall financial health looks sound.”