BUENOS AIRES, Argentina — A ban on away fans in Argentina’s local leagues — a restriction that failed to end stadium violence — will gradually be lifted under a plan announced Thursday by the country’s soccer federation.

The 12-year ban will be lifted in a test run when Lanús hosts Rosario Central in the second matchday of the top-flight Clausura tournament, Argentine Football Association president Claudio Tapia said at a press conference.

“It’s a day that marks a before and after in our league,” Tapia said. “It’s the kind of soccer (with visitors) we all grew accustomed to since we were kids. We have to get back to that path. Clubs that are in a position to host visiting fans can do so.”

The federation banned visiting fans in the first-division tournament in 2013 after two incidents: the death of a Lanús fan when police tried to break up a clash with Estudiantes supporters; and the death of two Boca Juniors fans in a shootout between rival factions.

The ban was imposed first in the province of Buenos Aires, and the rest of the districts followed. While the measure sought to end stadium violence, it fell short, as more deaths subsequently occurred for disputes among the so-called “barrabravas.”

The AFA announced that 6,500 fans of Rosario Central, a team from that city located 300 kilometers north of Buenos Aires, will be able to occupy the Lanús away section under a strict security protocol, which includes designated tickets so that fans attending are properly identified.

“The idea isn’t to go back to what we had before because the visitors were kicked out for a reason,” Buenos Aires security minister Javier Alonso said. “We have to eradicate the culture of violence. It’s sad to see 10-year-olds singing about drugs or that someone needs to be killed. It has to be a family celebration, with flags and drums.”

For the time being, the measure will apply only to the province of Buenos Aires, although Tapia said that other provinces are willing to join the initiative.

The plan has raised questions. Sectors of the opposition to the Buenos Aires government warned that police officers cannot be assigned to guard visiting fans to the detriment of citizens concerned about a growing wave of insecurity.

The restriction on visiting fans only applied to professional league matches and other divisions in Argentina. They are allowed in international tournaments such as the Copa Libertadores and the Copa Sudamericana.

“This is what football fans and society want. Many matches have been organized with two sets of fans, and that’s why we decided to announce the start of the return of visiting fans,” Tapia said.

Jordan Addison pleaded no contest to a lesser charge on Thursday stemming from his July 2024 arrest in Los Angeles on suspicion of driving under the influence. The news comes less than a week before the Vikings open training camp at TCO Performance Center.

The charge is officially wet reckless driving upon a highway, according to Los Angeles County Superior Court, which means Addison acknowledges that the reckless driving involved alcohol or drugs.

As a result, Addison will be placed on probation for 12 months, will have to pay a $390 fine, and will be ordered to complete a pair of online courses.

“While Mr. Addison’s case would have made for a great trial, I admire him for taking responsibility,” Addison’s attorney Jacqueline Sparagna said in a statement. “Now he can put this incident behind him and solely focus on his promising career.”

The arrest occurred on July 12, 2024 when Addison was found asleep behind the wheel of a Rolls Royce, with his vehicle blocking traffic near Los Angeles International Airport. He was formally charged with a pair of misdemeanors — driving under the influence of alcohol and driving with blood-alcohol content of 0.08 percent or higher — less than a month later. He pleaded not guilty to those charges and they have since been dismissed.

Next, Addison will wait to see if he will be punished by the NFL for his actions. He could be suspended for three games without pay for his first offense relating to the use of alcohol in accordance with the NFL’s policy and program on substances of abuse.

In a statement posted on social media, Addison’s agent Tim Younger noted that his client understands the ramifications of his decision of pleading no contest, adding that the Vikings have been apprised throughout the legal proceedings.

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By KATE PAYNE, Associated Press

TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (AP) — Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ administration left many local officials in the dark about the immigration detention center that rose from an isolated airstrip in the Everglades, emails obtained by The Associated Press show, while relying on an executive order to seize the land, hire contractors and bypass laws and regulations.

The emails show that local officials in southwest Florida were still trying to chase down a “rumor” about the sprawling “Alligator Alcatraz” facility planned for their county while state officials were already on the ground and sending vendors through the gates to coordinate construction of the detention center, which was designed to house thousands of migrants and went up in a matter of days.

“Not cool!” one local official told the state agency director spearheading the construction.

The 100-plus emails dated June 21 to July 1, obtained through a public records request, underscore the breakneck speed at which the the governor’s team built the facility and the extent to which local officials were blindsided by the plans for the compound of makeshift tents and trailers in Collier County, a wealthy, majority-Republican corner of the state that’s home to white-sand beaches and the western stretch of the Everglades.

Workers install a sign reading “Alligator Alcatraz” at the entrance to a new migrant detention facility at Dade-Collier Training and Transition facility, Thursday, July 3, 2025, in Ochopee, Fla. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell)

The executive order, originally signed by the Republican governor in 2023 and extended since then, accelerated the project, allowing the state to seize county-owned land and evade rules in what critics have called an abuse of power. The order granted the state sweeping authority to suspend “any statute, rule or order” seen as slowing the response to the immigration “emergency.”

A representative for DeSantis did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Known as the Dade-Collier Training and Transition Airport, the airstrip is about 45 miles (72 kilometers) west of downtown Miami. It is located within Collier County but is owned and managed by neighboring Miami-Dade County. The AP asked for similar records from Miami-Dade County, which is still processing the request.

To DeSantis and other state officials, building the facility in the remote Everglades and naming it after a notorious federal prison were meant as deterrents. It’s another sign of how President Donald Trump’s administration and his allies are relying on scare tactics to pressure people who are in the country illegally to leave.

Detention center in the Everglades? ‘Never heard of that’

Collier County Commissioner Rick LoCastro apparently first heard about the proposal after a concerned resident in another county sent him an email on June 21.

“A citizen is asking about a proposed ‘detention center’ in the Everglades?” LoCastro wrote to County Manager Amy Patterson and other staff. “Never heard of that … Am I missing something?”

“I am unaware of any land use petitions that are proposing a detention center in the Everglades. I’ll check with my intake team, but I don’t believe any such proposal has been received by Zoning,” replied the county’s planning and zoning director, Michael Bosi.

Work progressed on a new migrant detention facility dubbed “Alligator Alcatraz,” at Dade-Collier Training and Transition facility in the Florida Everglades, Friday, July 4, 2025, in Ochopee, Fla. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell)

Environmental groups have since filed a federal lawsuit, arguing that the state illegally bypassed federal and state laws in building the facility.

In fact, LoCastro was included on a June 21 email from state officials announcing their intention to buy the airfield. LoCastro sits on the county’s governing board but does not lead it, and his district does not include the airstrip. He forwarded the message to the county attorney, saying “Not sure why they would send this to me?”

In the email, Kevin Guthrie, the head of the Florida Division of Emergency Management, which built the detention center, said the state intended to “work collaboratively” with the counties. The message referenced the executive order on illegal immigration, but it did not specify how the state wanted to use the site, other than for “future emergency response, aviation logistics, and staging operations.”

Workers sit alongside trailers as work progresses on a new migrant detention center dubbed “Alligator Alcatraz,” at Dade-Collier Training and Transition facility in the Florida Everglades, Friday, July 4, 2025, in Ochopee, Fla. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell)

The next day, Collier County’s emergency management director, Dan Summers, wrote up a briefing for the county manager and other local officials, including some notes about the “rumor” he had heard about plans for an immigration detention facility at the airfield.

Summers knew the place well, he said, after doing a detailed site survey a few years ago.

“The infrastructure is — well, nothing much but a few equipment barns and a mobile home office … (wet and mosquito-infested),” Summers wrote.

FDEM told Summers that while the agency had surveyed the airstrip, “NO mobilization or action plans are being executed at this time” and all activity was “investigatory,” Summers wrote.

Emergency director said lack of information was ‘not cool’

By June 23, Summers was racing to prepare a presentation for a meeting of the board of county commissioners the next day. He shot off an email to FDEM Director Kevin Guthrie seeking confirmation of basic facts about the airfield and the plans for the detention facility, which Summers understood to be “conceptual” and in “discussion or investigatory stages only.”

“Is it in the plans or is there an actual operation set to open?” Summers asked. “Rumor is operational today… ???”

In fact, the agency was already “on site with our vendors,” coordinating construction of the site, FDEM bureau chief Ian Guidicelli responded.

“Not cool! That’s not what was relayed to me last week or over the weekend,” Summers responded, adding that he would have “egg on my face” with the Collier County Sheriff’s Office and Board of County Commissioners. “It’s a Collier County site. I am on your team, how about the courtesy of some coordination?”

On the evening of June 23, FDEM officially notified Miami-Dade County it was seizing the county-owned land to build the detention center, under emergency powers granted by the executive order.

Plans for the facility sparked concerns among first responders in Collier County, who questioned which agency would be responsible if an emergency should strike the site.

Discussions on the issue grew tense at times. Local Fire Chief Chris Wolfe wrote to the county’s chief of emergency medical services and other officials on June 25: “I am not attempting to argue with you, more simply seeking how we are going to prepare for this that is clearly within the jurisdiction of Collier County.”

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‘Not our circus, not our monkeys’

Summers, the emergency management director, repeatedly reached out to FDEM for guidance, trying to “eliminate some of the confusion” around the site.

As he and other county officials waited for details from Tallahassee, they turned to local news outlets for information, sharing links to stories among themselves.

“Keep them coming,” Summers wrote to county Communications Director John Mullins in response to one news article, “since its crickets from Tally at this point.”

Hoping to manage any blowback to the county’s tourism industry, local officials kept close tabs on media coverage of the facility, watching as the news spread rapidly from local newspapers in southwest Florida to national outlets such as The Washington Post and The New York Times and international news sites as far away as Great Britain, Germany and Switzerland.

As questions from reporters and complaints from concerned residents streamed in, local officials lined up legal documentation to show the airfield was not their responsibility.

In an email chain labeled, “Not our circus, not our monkeys…,” County Attorney Jeffrey Klatzkow wrote to the county manager, “My view is we have no interest in this airport parcel, which was acquired by eminent domain by Dade County in 1968.”

Meanwhile, construction at the site plowed ahead, with trucks arriving around the clock carrying portable toilets, asphalt and construction materials. Among the companies that snagged multimillion dollar contracts for the work were those whose owners donated generously to DeSantis and other Republicans.

On July 1, just 10 days after Collier County first got wind of the plans, the state officially opened the facility, welcoming DeSantis, Trump, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and other state and national officials for a tour.

A county emergency management staffer fired off an email to Summers, asking to be included on any site visit to the facility.

“Absolutely,” Summers replied. “After the President’s visit and some of the chaos on-site settles-in, we will get you all down there…”

Kate Payne is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

By DEEPTI HAJELA, Associated Press

NEW YORK (AP) — In a matter of months, it has become a regular sight around the country — immigration enforcement agents detaining people and taking them into custody, often as public anger and outcry unfold around them. But in the process, something has disappeared: the agents’ faces, covered by caps, sunglasses, pulled-up neck gaiters or balaclavas, effectively rendering them unidentifiable.

With the year only half over, the covered face — as deployed by law enforcement in a wave of immigration crackdowns directed by President Donald Trump’s White House — has become one of the most potent and contentious visuals of 2025.

The increase in high-profile immigration enforcement was already contentious between those opposed to the actions of Trump’s administration and those in support of them. The sight of masked agents carrying it out is creating a whole new level of conflict, in a way that has no real comparison in the U.S. history of policing.

People shout at federal immigration agents during a raid in the agriculture area of Camarillo, Calif., July 10, 2025. (AP Photo/Michael Owen Baker)

Trump administration officials have consistently defended the practice, saying that immigration agents have faced strident and increasing harassment in public and online as they have gone about their enforcement, and hiding their identities is for their and their families’ safety to avoid things like death threats and doxxing, where someone’s personal information is released without their permission on the internet.

“I’m sorry if people are offended by them wearing masks, but I’m not going to let my officers and agents go out there and put their lives on the line, their family on the line because people don’t like what immigration enforcement is,” Immigration and Customs Enforcement acting director Todd Lyons said last month.

There’s pushback, as expected

Democrats and others, including the several state attorneys general, have pushed back, saying the use of face masks generates public fear and should be halted.

In a letter to Lyons last week, a group of Democratic senators said the stepped-up immigration enforcement in workplaces, restaurants and other sites was already causing dismay and the increasingly common sight of masked agents “represents a clear attempt to compound that fear and chaos – and to avoid accountability for agents’ actions.”

FILE – Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents escort a detained immigrant into an elevator after he exited an immigration courtroom, Tuesday, June 17, 2025, in New York. (AP Photo/Olga Fedorova, file)

In American culture, covering one’s face has often gone hand in hand with assumptions of negative behavior. Think bandits donning bandanas in cowboy movies, or robbers putting on ski masks before pulling a heist on a bank. Even comic-book superheroes who cover their faces have been swept up in storylines in recent years that derisively refer to them as “masks” and say their decision to hide their identities while enforcing justice is transgressive.

And the presence of masked police or paramilitary forces in other countries has been seen by Americans as antithetical to promised democracy and justice for all — and to the common-law principle of being able to face your accusers.

Mask-wearing overall in American life took another hit during the COVID-19 pandemic, when many Trump supporters scoffed at notions that protective masks would insulate people from the deadly virus and scorned people who wore them. More recently, Trump has come out against masks, at least when they’re being worn by protestors. He posted on social media last month that demonstrators wearing masks should be arrested.

Given all that cultural context, it’s even more problematic that those enforcing laws be the ones with their faces covered, said Tobias Winright, professor of moral theology at St. Patrick’s Pontifical University in Maynooth, Ireland. He has worked in law enforcement in the U.S. and writes frequently about policing ethics.

If “what you’re doing is above board and right,” he said, “then why conceal your identity?”

Power gives different symbols different meanings

For those who question why it’s different for law enforcement to wear masks if protestors and non-law enforcement personnel are doing it, it’s because symbols have different meanings based on the power and position of the people using them, said Alison Kinney, author of “Hood,” a book about that clothing item and the various ways people have used it.

“ICE agents are agents of the state. and they’re invested with not only power but also with protections in carrying out their job,” she said. “But that job is also supposed to be public service. It’s also supposed to be accountable and responsible to the public.”

“And so they have a greater responsibility for transparency and accountability and making themselves known so that we can hold them accountable for the justice or injustice of their actions,” she said.

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Concerns over how law enforcement is held accountable to the public have come up before. Advocates pushed for officers to wear body cameras and demanded that police officers have visible names and badge numbers. But there hasn’t previously been much discussion around police masking because there isn’t a history of it being done in any kind of official widespread way in the United States, outside of SWAT- or undercover-type operations, Winright said.

The most high-profile example of mask-wearing in American history for the purpose of hiding identity is also its most negative one — racist attacks carried out by the members of the Ku Klux Klan.

The masks served a purpose, of course, of keeping the wearers’ identities secret, said Elaine Frantz, a history professor at Kent State University and author of “Ku-Klux: The Birth of the Klan during Reconstruction.” But they also made it easier for those wearing them to commit violent acts against others, she said.

“One thing about a mask is it kind of works like being behind a riot shield,” Frantz said. “When you have more of separation from the person you’re attacking, it’s easier to dehumanize that person.”

Winright said he hoped law enforcement mask-wearing wouldn’t be normalized. There has been at least one expansion into local policing. In Nassau County, on Long Island just outside New York City, County Executive Bruce Blakeman last week signed an executive order allowing police officers to wear masks during certain types of work, including working with immigration agents.

Winright is concerned, though, that the move could strain police-community relations even more, thus putting officers at even more risk.

“Wearing a mask seems to increase fear and decrease trust, and policing from federal to local in America needs trust and transparency and community relations that are positive,” he said.

He added: “The harms, the risks, are greater by wearing masks, not only to the individual officers, but to the profession itself, as well as to the United States society. It’s just going to further exacerbate the us-versus-them polarization, the lack of trust, and that’s the probably the last thing we need right now.”