By DAVID KEYTON, Associated Press

OSLO, Norway (AP) — Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado ‘s daughter accepted the Nobel Peace Prize on her mother’s behalf Wednesday, hours after officials said Machado would miss the ceremony.

The daughter of the Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Ana Corina Sosa, who will accept the award on behalf of her mother, Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado, arrives for the Nobel Peace Prize award ceremony, in Oslo, Norway, Wednesday Dec. 10, 2025. (Ole Berg-Rusten/NTB Scanpix, Pool via AP)

Machado has been in hiding and has not been seen in public since Jan. 9, when she was briefly detained after joining supporters in a protest in Caracas, Venezuela’s capital.

Jørgen Watne Frydnes, chair of the Norwegian Nobel committee, told the award ceremony that “María Corina Machado has done everything in her power to be able to attend the ceremony here today — a journey in a situation of extreme danger.”

“Although she will not be able to reach this ceremony and today’s events, we are profoundly happy to confirm that she is safe, and that she will be with us here in Oslo,” he said to applause.

The director of the Norwegian Nobel institute and Machado’s spokesperson said earlier Wednesday that she wouldn’t be able to attend the ceremony. Her daughter Ana Corina Sosa did instead.

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María Corina Machado said in an audio recording of a phone call published on the Nobel website that many people had “risked their lives” for her to arrive in Oslo.

“I am very grateful to them, and this is a measure of what this recognition means to the Venezuelan people,” she said before indicating she was about to board a plane.

“I know that there are hundreds of Venezuelans from different parts of the world that were able to reach your city that are right now in Oslo, family, my team, so many colleagues,” Machado added.

“And since this is a prize for all Venezuelans, I believe that it will be received by them. And as soon as I arrive, I will be able to embrace all my family and my children that I’ve have not seen for two years and so many Venezuelans, Norwegians that I know that share our struggle and our fight.”

Latin American leaders present in solidarity

Prominent Latin American figures attended Wednesday in a signal of solidarity with Machado, including Argentine President Javier Milei, Ecuador’s President Daniel Noboa, Panama’s President José Raúl Mulino and Paraguayan President Santiago Peña.

Argentine’s President Javier Milei arrives at Oslo City Hall before the award ceremony of the Nobel Peace Prize, in Oslo, Norway, Wednesday Dec. 10, 2025. (Ole Berg-Rusten/NTB Scanpix via AP)

The 58-year-old’s win for her struggle to achieve a democratic transition in her South American nation was announced on Oct. 10, and she was described as a woman “who keeps the flame of democracy burning amid a growing darkness.”

Machado won an opposition primary election and intended to challenge President Nicolás Maduro in last year’s presidential election, but the government barred her from running for office. Retired diplomat Edmundo González took her place.

The lead-up to the July 28, 2024, election saw widespread repression, including disqualifications, arrests and human rights violations. That increased after the country’s National Electoral Council, which is stacked with Maduro loyalists, declared the incumbent the winner.

González, who sought asylum in Spain last year after a Venezuelan court issued a warrant for his arrest, attended Wednesday’s ceremony, which was overlooked by a large portrait of Machado.

U.N. human rights officials and many independent rights groups have expressed concerns about the situation in Venezuela, and called for Maduro to be held accountable for the crackdown on dissent.

Some previous winners have been unable to attend

Five past Nobel Peace Prize laureates were detained or imprisoned at the time of the award, according to the prize’s official website, most recently Iranian activist Narges Mohammadi in 2023 and Belarusian human rights advocate Ales Bialiatski in 2022.

The others were Liu Xiaobo of China in 2010, Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar in 1991 and Carl von Ossietzky of Germany in 1935.

Gustavo Tovar-Arroyo, a Venezuelan human rights activist who was forced to flee into exile in 2012, said Machado’s supporters “did the best for her to be here as she deserves. But we knew the risk.”

He added that they are “disappointed that she cannot be in the ceremony, but this is part of what we do when we fight against a dictatorship, a tyranny or a criminal regime. So we are used to it.”

By CHRISTOPHER RUGABER, Associated Press Economics Writer

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Federal Reserve will almost certainly reduce its key interest rate Wednesday, but the bigger question for financial markets and the economy is what signals Chair Jerome Powell may send regarding the central bank’s next steps.

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It would be the third cut in a row and bring the Fed’s key rate to about 3.6%, the lowest in nearly three years. For Americans struggling with high borrowing costs for homes, cars, and other large purchases, this year’s rate cuts could reduce those costs over time — though it’s not guaranteed. Mortgage rates in particular are also influenced by financial markets.

This week’s meeting could presage a much cloudier path for the Fed in 2026. The government shutdown has delayed two months of jobs and inflation data, leaving the Fed with much less information on hiring and inflation than it is used to. Powell’s term as chair ends in May and President Donald Trump will nominate a replacement, possibly as soon as this month, who will almost certainly push for lower borrowing costs. Yet the new chair could face resistance from other Fed officials.

In addition to a likely rate cut, the Fed could signal that the bar for another reduction when they next meet in late January will be higher than it has been this fall. A year ago, after implementing a third rate cut at its December meeting, the Fed indicated it would likely keep rates unchanged in the coming months. It didn’t cut again until September.

“They would love to take a pass (in January), push it off to March, and just wait for a couple of more inflation reports to come in,” Tom Porcelli, chief economist at Wells Fargo, said.

The Fed’s 19-member rate-setting committee is deeply divided between those who support reducing rates to bolster hiring and those who’d prefer to keep rates unchanged because inflation remains above the central bank’s 2% target. Higher borrowing costs can slow spending and the economy and reduce price increases.

The government said last week in a delayed report that the Fed’s preferred inflation gauge remained elevated in September, with both overall and core prices rising 2.8% from a year earlier.

The lack of economic data has contributed to the divisions. But by their January meeting, they’ll have up to three months of backlogged reports to consider. If those figures show that hiring has remained weak, or that layoffs have spiked, the Fed could reduce rates again in January.

By contrast, if they show hiring has stabilized while inflation remains elevated, they may hold off on additional cuts for several months.

On Wednesday, the Fed will also issue their quarterly set of economic projections, which include forecasts for where they will set rates at the end of this year and next. Economists expect just one rate reduction next year, as they did in September.

Yet the projections will likely carry much less weight this year, since a new chair will probably push for more reductions. And if the economy weakens, more officials will support reductions.

In an interview with Politico published Tuesday, Trump said “yes” when asked if reducing rates “immediately” was a litmus test for his new Fed chair. Trump has hinted that he will likely pick Kevin Hassett, his top economic adviser.

Hassett has often called for lower borrowing costs, but this week has been more circumspect. In an interview Tuesday on CNBC, when asked how many more rate cuts he would support, Hassett did not give a specific answer and said, “What you need to do is watch the data.”

Playoff time is here, as the powers of fantasy football leagues begin three weeks of battle for championship glories.

But for non-powers, including your Humble Narrator who missed the playoffs by (checks math) just ONE lousy Week 13 point, it’s time for our lesser postseason competition. Unless you’re Notre Dame and just quitting.

Whether you are playing for big bucks, or a fantasy Rate Bowl, you need to hunker down and pick your lineup. And a lot of notable NFLers that looked great in summer have faded dramatically in the fall. We’ll break down your Week 15 issues by position:

Running back — Worried about relying on subpar efforts from Breece Hall, Ashton Jeanty or Alvin Kamara? You might be better off grabbing Chicago’s Kyle Monangai (vs. Browns), Houston’s Woody Marks (vs. Cardinals) or Pittsburgh’s Kenneth Gainwell (vs. Dolphins).

Wide receiver — Some up-and-down playmakers are hard to trust this week. We’re alluding to the Eagles’ Devonta Smith, the Dolphins’ Jaylen Waddle and the Jags’ Brian Thomas Jr. Two really hot and widely available pass catchers are the Jags’ Jakobi Meyers and Cards’ Mark Wilson.

Tight end — Who has been more disappointing this season? The Chiefs’ Travis Kelce or the Ravens’ Mark Andrews? Neither looks as good this week as Cleveland rookie Harold Fannin Jr., who faces Chicago.

Quarterback — Obviously Indy’s Daniel Jones is now completely broken, and Washington’s Jayden Daniels is hardly fixed. Two QBs with great matchups this week are the Jaguars’ Trevor Lawrence versus the Jets and the Giants’ Jaxson Dart against what’s left of Washington’s defense.

Kicker — There are plenty of reasons not to like the Chiefs’ Harrison Butker. Lack of scoring opportunities is now one of them. The Vikings’ Will Reichard is having a better season and will likely outscore the K.C. kicker in a possible shootout with Dallas.

Sitting stars

Seattle’s defense will be all over Indy running back Jonathan Taylor. But you’ll have to start him anyway and cross your fingers. … You can’t start any Commanders against the Giants, even Daniels or Terry McLaurin. … Carolina rookie WR Tetairoa McMillan will cool down against the Saints. … Two top tight ends will underperform in this key week: Vegas’ Brock Bowers versus Eagles and Cardinals’ Trey McBride against the Texans. … And the Chiefs-Chargers showdown has two usually excellent QBs that you probably can’t trust: Patrick Mahomes or Justin Herbert.

Matchup game

With two mediocre run defenses taking the field, both the Ravens’ Derrick Henry and Cincinnati’s Chase Brown will post big numbers this week. … Miami’s De’Von Achane, assuming he’s healthy, will continue his all-pro play against the Steelers. … Vikings’ Jordan Mason should find the end zone again versus Dallas. … In that same game, look for the old Justin Jefferson to return, finally. … Same for Detroit WR Amon-Ra St Brown against the Rams. … Three other receivers we expect to shine in Week 15: Dallas’ George Pickens versus Minnesota, Cincy’s Tee Higgins facing the Ravens and our old pal Stefan Diggs versus his old Buffalo pals.

Injury watch

Other than the Jones saga in Indianapolis that brought Philip Rivers out of retirement, the focus is on Pittsburgh wideout D.K. Metcalf, who is having what are politely being called “stomach issues.” … Notables considered questionable include three running backs (Giants’ Tyrone Tracy, Cards’ Emari Demercado and Texans’ Nick Chubb) and seven pass catchers (Cowboys‘ CeeDee Lamb, Cardinals’ Marvin Harrison Jr., Bears’ Rome Odunze, Bucs’ Chris Godwin and Mike Evans, and Falcons’ Drake London and Michael Pitts).

Deepest sleeper

Two words we were never expecting to promote here: Shedeur Sanders. Cleveland’s rookie fourth-stringer from the start of summer camp has been much less than “LEGENDARY.” But for fantasy mavens with playoff quarterback issues, a fellow coming off a 364-yard, three touchdown game might be palatable. And he’ll face no great defenses the next three weeks (Bears, Bills, Steelers).

The Thursday pick

Falcons at Buccaneers (-4½)
Pick: Buccaneers by 7

You can hear Kevin Cusick on Thursdays on Bob Sansevere’s “BS Show” podcast on iTunes. You can follow Kevin on X– @theloopnow. He can be reached at kcusick@pioneerpress.com.

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President Donald Trump has always been just insider-enough to placate the Republican establishment and just outsider-enough to excite conservative populists. But keeping that political coalition together will be difficult for his successor in 2028.

Indeed, less than a year into Trump’s second presidency, the electoral consortium that made him only the second president to serve non-consecutive terms is showing signs of strain. That’s the best way to understand Republican infighting over Trump’s handling of the Jeffrey Epstein affair, as well as fresh fighting on the right over whether the GOP should tolerate antisemites and racists for the (presumed) sake of electoral expediency.

That’s also the prism through which to view the Republicans’ intraparty debate over extending Obamacare health insurance subsidies — and the fact that congressional Republicans are beginning to demand more information from the Trump administration about U.S. military strikes on suspected drug traffickers in the Caribbean.

“Trump has truly been a one-of-a-kind political figure,” Jeffrey Brauer, a political science professor at Keystone College, near Scranton, Pennsylvania, told me. “Cracks are beginning to emerge in the MAGA coalition.”

The “MAGA coalition,” aptly named for Trump’s “Make America Great Again” slogan, is often associated with the populist conservatives who have flocked to him. A significant percentage are low-propensity voters, or as Brad Todd and Salena Zito called them in their 2018 book, The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics, “Perot-istas.” Why?

Prior to 2016, many might not have pulled the lever for a presidential candidate since Ross Perot, another billionaire populist businessman and political outsider, was on the ballot. They might go dormant again after Trump, 79, fades from the scene.

But an often-disregarded ingredient in the president’s success and staying power has been consistent buy-in from establishment GOP figures and regular Republican voters.

While populists have seen Trump as the common-sense, street-fighting political outsider who would finally turn Washington on its head, rank-and-file Republicans influenced by the Reagan era have seen in Trump a boardroom businessman who would roll back government regulations, cut taxes and shrink government.

The big unknown for the Republicans: Can they find a standard-bearer in 2028 with Trump’s knack for attracting support from the two disparate wings of their party?

“Anytime a party loses a dominant figure as its leader there’s always anxiety whether the winning coalition will hold. It happened after Kennedy, Reagan, and Obama,” Republican media strategist Alfredo Rodriguez, who is based in Texas, told me, referring to Presidents John F. Kennedy, Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama.

“Whether the (MAGA) coalition holds together or fractures some is a legitimate question to ask,” Rodriguez conceded. But he added: “The idea the Republican Party is certain for doom without Trump on the ballot is way overblown.”

For now, most Republican insiders I talk to expect Vice President JD Vance, 41, to be the GOP’s 2028 nominee. That’s not rocket science. Vance will likely have the backing of Trump and key members of the president’s family — Donald Trump Jr. in particular — not to mention a growing political machine of his own.

Some party stalwarts speculate that Secretary of State Marco Rubio, 54, is positioned to be selected as Vance’s running mate. (Rubio sought the White House in 2016 and was on Trump’s short list for vice president in 2024.)

Vance leading the GOP ticket would also suit a number of Republican operatives in the president’s political orbit. That fits; Vance has enjoyed a meteoric rise in the Republican Party. However, he can at times ring more populist than Trump and has yet to demonstrate the president’s canny ability to also appease the Reaganite establishment. Still, the vice president’s boosters see a politician with the right political skill set — once he grabs the baton from his boss.

“To me, the bridge between the populists and the establishment — it can be done with humor. I really like what JD Vance did at Halloween, for example,” said Jack Kingston, a former Republican congressman from Georgia who is now a contributor at Newsmax. Kingston was referring to Vance showing some self-deprecating humor by dressing up as an Internet meme of himself.

I’m more interested in the answer to two questions: First, will any substantial, viable Republican dare challenge a Trump-backed Vance after watching what happened to the president’s GOP opponents in 2024? And if so, will any Republican on that list include a Reaganite politician who attempts to push the GOP away from big-government populism and back toward traditional, constitutional conservatism? Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, the runner-up for the nomination in 2016 and known to be interested in trying again, belongs on this watch list.

How Republicans fare in next year’s midterm elections could determine whether there’s a market for that — or at least, whether some enterprising Republican is willing to explore if such a market exists.

David M. Drucker is a columnist covering politics and policy. He is also a senior writer for The Dispatch and the author of “In Trump’s Shadow: The Battle for 2024 and the Future of the GOP.”

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