Explosion at a US air base in southern Japan injures 4 Japanese soldiers

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By MARI YAMAGUCHI

TOKYO (AP) — An explosion at a storage site for unexploded ordnance at a U.S. military base on Japan’s southern island of Okinawa injured four Japanese soldiers, though the injuries are not life-threatening, officials said Monday.

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The four soldiers sustained finger injuries while working at a facility that belongs to Okinawa prefecture and temporarily stores unexploded ordnance, mostly from wartime and found on the island, local officials said. One of the harshest battles of World War II was fought on Okinawa.

Prefectural officials said the injuries were not life-threatening, but no other details were immediately known.

The U.S. Air Force said in a statement that the explosion occurred at the facility managed by the Okinawa prefectural government at Kadena Air Base’s munitions storage area. It said no U.S. servicemembers were involved in the incident.

The Self Defense Force’s joint staff said one of the devices suddenly exploded when the soldiers were inspecting it at the facility. The blast occurred when the soldiers were trying to remove rust, NHK television reported.

The SDF said they are trying to confirm what caused the accident.

Monday’s accident was believed to be the first ever since the 1974 launch of the Japanese army’s unexploded ordnance disposal unit.

Hundreds of tons of unexploded wartime bombs, many of them dropped by the U.S. military, remain buried around Japan and are sometimes dug up at construction sites and elsewhere. Many of them are still found on Okinawa, where about 1,856 tons of unexploded U.S. bombs are believed to remain.

In October, an unexploded wartime U.S. bomb exploded at a commercial airport in southern Japan, causing a large crater and suspending dozens of flights.

States sue US government over deal ending ban on triggers that make some rifles fire more rapidly

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By BRUCE SHIPKOWSKI

Sixteen states have sued the Trump administration over its plan to allow the sale of forced-reset triggers that make semiautomatic rifles fire more rapidly and return devices already seized to their owners.

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The suit announced Monday argues that returning the triggers would violate federal law, pose a threat to residents and law enforcement and worsen gun violence. It was filed in federal court in Maryland.

There had been several legal battles over the devices, which replace the typical trigger on an AR-15-style rifle. The Biden administration had previously argued the triggers qualify as machine guns under federal law because constant finger pressure on the triggers will keep a rifle firing, essentially creating an illegal machine gun.

Rare Breed Triggers, the maker of the devices, had argued that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives was wrong in its classification and ignored demands to stop selling the triggers before being sued by the Biden administration.

The Justice Department reached a deal announced last month to allow the sale of forced-reset triggers with Rare Breed Triggers, which was previously represented by David Warrington, Trump’s current White House counsel.

Under the settlement, Rare Breed Triggers agreed not to develop such devices to be used on handguns, according to the Justice Department. The settlement requires the ATF to return triggers that it had seized or that owners had voluntarily surrendered to the government.

The states’ lawsuit is being led by the attorneys general of Delaware, Maryland and New Jersey. Other states involved are Colorado, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, along with the District of Columbia.

Apple heads into annual showcase reeling from AI missteps, tech upheaval and Trump’s trade war

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By MICHAEL LIEDTKE

CUPERTINO, Calif. (AP) — After stumbling out of the starting gate in Big Tech’s pivotal race to capitalize on artificial intelligence, Apple will try to regain its footing Monday at its annual Worldwide Developers Conference.

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The presummer rite, which attracts thousands of developers to Apple’s Silicon Valley headquarters, is expected to be more subdued than the feverish anticipation that surrounded the event during the previous two years.

In 2023, Apple unveiled a mixed-reality headset that has been little more than a niche product, and last year WWDC trumpeted its first major foray into the AI craze with an array of new features highlighted by the promise of a smarter and more versatile version of its virtual assistant, Siri.

Apple had intended the planned Siri upgrade to herald its long-awaited attempt to become a major player in the AI craze after getting a late start in a phenomenon that so far has been largely been led by OpenAI, Google, Microsoft and an array of cutting-edge startups.

Instead, as Apple heads into this year’s showcase, the company faces nagging questions about whether the nearly 50-year-old company has lost some of the mystique and innovative drive that turned it into a tech trendsetter. Instead of making a big splash as it did with the Vision Pro headset, Apple this year is expected to focus on an overhaul of its software that may include a new, more tactile look for the iPhone’s native apps and a new nomenclature for identifying its operating system updates.

Even though it might look like Apple is becoming a technological laggard, Forrester Research analyst Thomas Husson contends the company still has ample time to catch up in an AI race that’s “more of a marathon, than a sprint. It will force Apple to evolve its operating systems.”

If reports about its iOS naming scheme pan out, Apple will switch to a method that automakers have used to telegraph their latest car models by linking them to the year after they first arrive at dealerships. That would mean the next version of the iPhone operating system due out this autumn will be known as iOS 26 instead of iOS 19 — as it would be under the current sequential naming approach.

Whatever it’s named, the next iOS will likely be released as a free update in September, around the same time as the next iPhone models if Apple follows its usual road map.

Meanwhile, Apple’s references to AI may be less frequent than last year when the technology was the main attraction.

While some of the new AI tricks compatible with the latest iPhones began rolling out late last year as part of free software updates, Apple still hasn’t been able to soup up Siri in the ways that it touted at last year’s conference. The delays became so glaring that a chastened Apple retreated from promoting Siri in its AI marketing campaigns earlier this year.

“It’s just taking a bit longer than we thought,” Apple CEO Tim Cook told analysts last month when asked about the company’s headaches with Siri. “But we are making progress, and we’re extremely excited to get the more personal Siri features out there.”

While Apple has been struggling to make AI that meets its standards, the gap separating it from other tech powerhouses is widening. Google keeps packing more AI into its Pixel smartphone lineup while introducing more of the technology into its search engine to dramatically change the way it works. Samsung, Apple’s biggest smartphone rival, is also leaning heavily into AI. Meanwhile, ChatGPT recently struck a deal that will bring former Apple design guru Jony Ive into the fold to work on a new device expected to compete against the iPhone.

“While much of WWDC will be about what the next great thing is for the iPhone, the unspoken question is: What’s the next great thing after the iPhone?” said Dipanjan Chatterjee, another analyst for Forrester Research.

Besides facing innovation challenges, Apple also faces regulatory threats that could siphon away billions of dollars in revenue that help finance its research and development. A federal judge is currently weighing whether proposed countermeasures to Google’s illegal monopoly in search should include a ban on long-running deals worth $20 billion annually to Apple while another federal judge recently banned the company from collecting commission on in-app transactions processed outside its once-exclusive payment system.

On top of all that, Apple has been caught in the cross-hairs of President Donald Trump’s trade war with China, a key manufacturing hub for the Cupertino, California, company. Cook successfully persuaded Trump to exempt the iPhone from tariffs during the president’s first administration, but he has had less success during Trump’s second term, which seems more determined to prod Apple to make its products in the U.S..

“The trade war and uncertainty linked to the tariff policy is of much more concern today for Apple’s business than the perception that Apple is lagging behind on AI innovation,” Husson said.

The multi-dimensional gauntlet facing Apple is spooking investors, causing the company’s stock price to plunge by nearly 20% so far this year — a decline that has erased $750 billion in shareholder wealth. After beginning the year as the most valuable company in the world, Apple now ranks third behind longtime rival Microsoft, another AI leader, and AI chipmaker Nvidia.

Texas Quietly Downsizes Border Security Spending

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Without any announcement or open debate, the Republican-controlled Texas Legislature passed a biennial state budget that will effectively halve the amount dedicated to its multi-billion-dollar border security operations—from a proposed $6.5 billion down to about $3.4 billion. 

This marks the first time that GOP lawmakers have pulled back on their border security spending since Governor Rick Perry inaugurated state operations in the 2000s and Governor Greg Abbott supercharged them with the 2021 launch of Operation Lone Star (OLS). Still, that $3.4-billion level remains four times higher than the $800 million that Texas budgeted prior to OLS.

While the significant spending slash was a surprise decision that emerged in final negotiations by state House and Senate budget writers, it was not entirely unexpected. 

Ahead of the 2025 legislative session, Abbott (and Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick) had hinted that he might roll back the state’s border  once incoming President Donald Trump was able to initiate his promised crackdown. But, for almost the entirety of the session, Republican lawmakers pressed forward with a budget that kept Operation Lone Star (OLS) fully funded with $6.5 billion divvied up among a handful of agencies—namely the Texas Department of Public Safety, the Texas Military Department, the governor’s office, and the state emergency management agency.

Throughout the session, the governor was lobbying Trump and the GOP Congress in Washington, D.C., to reimburse Texas for the more than $11 billion in state funds spent on its sprawling border schemes—which have included a surge of National Guard deployments, a criminal arrest dragnet targeting migrants, the busing of tens of thousand of asylum-seekers out of state to Democratic cities, and the building of Trump-style border wall.

Last summer, the state wound down its busing program, and this spring it shuttered one of its temporary detention centers after arrests of migrants in the border region had trickled nearly to a stop. Abbott credited the ability to close that facility in Jim Hogg County to the Trump administration, though records showed that it had been processing very few migrants for many months while Biden was still president. In early April, state police and National Guard soldiers pulled out of Shelby Park on the Rio Grande in Eagle Pass, which they had occupied and used as a stage for border security theater for well over a year. 

The brunt of the OLS spending cuts for 2026-27 come from the governor’s office, amounting to $2.7 billion, according to budget documents, leaving just around $230 million of the amount originally requested by the governor. Abbott’s office has controlled billions in OLS funding for local grants, state border wall, migrant busing, and the private contracting of migrant temporary detention centers used to process migrants arrested by state and local police. These have in turn helped fuel a private contracting bonanza, which has proven lucrative for both contractors and Abbott’s campaign coffers. 

The budget cuts largely target Abbott’s border wall construction program, for which future funding appears to be zeroed out or close to it.  GOP state Senator Joan Huffman previously told the Houston Chronicle that most of the cuts are for the border wall. Huffman said Abbott did not push back on the cuts: “It seemed appropriate to reduce the state funding in a way where we still have a presence, we could assist the feds on their operations, but it just didn’t take quite the same amount of state resources,” Huffman said.. 

Abbott first announced his plans for the state to continue building Trump’s border wall in several Texas border counties back in 2021, directing the Texas Facilities Commission (TFC) to oversee the program, with an aim to build several hundred miles of fencing.  Since then, the state has allocated about $3.1 billion for construction of the wall. As of mid-April, contractors had completed 61.8 miles of wall segments across six different counties, and the state had acquired easement rights to nearly 20 additional miles, TFC executive director Mike Novak said at the agency’s most recent meeting in April. With current funding, Novak said “we’re in a position to build up to approximately 85 miles.” 

Asked about the cuts to the border wall construction program, TFC referred the Observer to the governor’s office. “TFC has no knowledge on the future of the [border wall] program,” the agency’s spokesperson said in a statement. The governor’s press office did not respond to the Observer’s emails requesting comment. 

At that meeting, Novak acknowledged that the wall program’s future was dependent on both the state and the Trump administration. “We’re sort of at an intersection right now of both state and federal policy spending decisions, which are pending,” he said in April. “As those policy decisions are made, we are standing by and ready to move forward accordingly. Whatever policies come out in the upcoming weeks and months, we’ll use whatever guidance given.” 

The state has spent anywhere from $20 million a mile to over $30 million a mile, depending on the location and terrain (comparable to what Trump spent in his first term)—and at times has run over budget. Texas is not allowed to use eminent domain to secure private land rights to build its wall and, due to landowner resistance in many areas, has often resorted to building fragmented segments in far-flung locations—including on the land of wealthy ranchers, some being allies of the governor. 

So far, the state has spent about $34 million on easement rights for dozens of parcels along the border—including several $1 million-dollar-plus transactions involving large ranches—state records and prior Observer reporting has shown. 

TFC has estimated that it will cost as much as $500,000 per mile to maintain the wall it’s already built, along with the adjoining patrol roads, lighting, and other infrastructure. Funding for that ongoing maintenance was also cut from the Texas budget. During his recent push for federal reimbursement from Washington, Abbott has floated the idea of transferring the state’s land rights and border wall to the federal government. The state’s easements with private landowners include a clause allowing Texas to transfer control of the property and wall to the feds. 

The U.S. House budget bill—aka Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill”—was recently passed with $12 billion for state reimbursements for border security, as well as an astronomical $46.5 billion for federal border wall and “river barriers” likely akin to Abbott’s controversial buoys. The U.S. Senate is still considering the budgetary proposal. 

The other big OLS cut is $500 million to the Texas Military Department, though the agency still has a total of $1.7 billion for border security—enough to retain much of its large soldier deployment on the border. (Last year, the Military Department built a permanent military base outside Eagle Pass that can house up to 1,800 soldiers.) 

Abbott’s office told the Houston Chronicle that any TMD reductions in deployment will be supplanted by troops sent by Trump and that “total border security posture will remain at similar levels.” 

Untouched by the OLS cuts is the Texas Department of Public Safety, the massive state police agency that has effectively directed all facets of OLS since it began—and has dramatically expanded its technology and surveillance capabilities via the state’s border security windfall. Its $1.2 billion allocation for border security appears to have remained untouched, budget documents show. 

Meanwhile, the governor’s office still has plenty of money to play with for his border operation. Much of it will continue to flow to local counties to subsidize their own law enforcement efforts related to OLS. 

Among the finer print, Abbott and the GOP budget-writers were kind enough to include a $1 million line-item to reimburse the City of Eagle Pass for the costs incurred by the year-plus military occupation of Shelby Park. 

The post Texas Quietly Downsizes Border Security Spending appeared first on The Texas Observer.