Vikings sign tight end Josh Oliver to contract extension

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Though he still might not be a household name, tight end Josh Oliver fills an important role for the Vikings.

That explains why the Vikings announced on Tuesday morning that they had signed Oliver to a lucrative contract extension that keeps him around through 2028.

The decision to extend Oliver helps the Vikings maintain another key piece of their core. It’s reportedly a 3-year, $23.25 million contract extension for Oliver that has a max value of $27.5 million.

It’s a fair deal for Oliver, among the best blocking tight ends in NFL, who also is starting to establish himself as proven pass catcher.

In total, the Oliver finished last season with 22 catches for 258 yards and 3 touchdowns last season, doing most of his damage while filling in for fellow tight end T.J. Hockenson. Together, Oliver and Hockenson give the Vikings a dynamic duo at tight end for the foreseeable future.

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Crypto’s hottest new trend: publicly traded companies buying bunches of bitcoin

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By ALAN SUDERMAN

It’s one of crypto’s hottest trends: publicly traded companies buying bitcoin and then buying even more.

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President Donald Trump’s media company just announced a plan to raise $2.5 billion to buy bitcoin, joining a growing number of so-called “bitcoin treasury companies” as the world’s most popular cryptocurrency hits all-time highs.

The companies buy bitcoin for different reasons: Some hold it as a hedge against inflation or to signal support for the cryptocurrency industry, while some firms have made using debt and stock sales to buy bitcoin their primary business strategy.

“The world at large has no idea what’s happening and they’re in for a big shock,” Dylan LeClair, an executive at the Japan-based Metaplanet, which recently went from being a budget hotel firm to a bitcoin treasury company, said at a recent crypto conference. “This is a one-way train, nothing is going to stop this.”

The massive increases in some firms’ stock price may seem to validate LeClair’s bravado, but there are plenty of warnings that a downturn in bitcoin’s prices could lead to large selloffs.

Here’s a look at bitcoin treasury companies by the numbers:

582,000

That’s how many bitcoins owned by MicroStrategy – the undisputed goliath of bitcoin treasury companies.

With nearly 3% of the total bitcoin supply, MicroStrategy owns more bitcoins than every other bitcoin treasury company combined. It also owns more bitcoin than every nation state combined, according to the tracking site bitcointreasuries.net.

Now called Strategy, the software company first started buying bitcoin in 2020 with reserve cash. Now, its software business is a small part of a perpetual bitcoin-buying machine that uses a variety of strategies – like selling shares or issuing debt – to keep growing its bitcoin holdings.

More than 3000%

That’s how much MicroStrategy’s stock price has increased in the last five years, compared to around 1,000% gain in bitcoin and the 1,500% jump for chipmaker and stock market darling Nvidia during that same period.

The company’s success has boosted the profile of MicroStrategy’s founder and chairman, Michael Saylor, who has visited Trump at Mar-a-Lago and the White House while becoming bitcoin’s enigmatic high priest.

“Bitcoin is a swarm of cyber hornets serving the goddess of wisdom, feeding on the fire of truth, exponentially growing ever smarter, faster, and stronger behind a wall of encrypted energy,” Saylor said in a social media post.

Saylor’s success has also spawned many imitators.

“It’s kind of shocking … that it took someone four years after Michael Saylor started doing it to finally do it and pull the trigger and now it feels like everyone’s pulling the trigger,” said Eric Semler, the chairman of Semler Scientific, a healthcare company that started acquiring bitcoin last year.

$90,000

That’s the average purchase price of bitcoin for half of the 61 publicly traded bitcoin strategy companies, excluding bitcoin mining companies and bitcoin exchange-traded funds, according to a recent analysis by Standard Chartered.

Geoff Kendrick, the bank’s head of digital assets research, said in the report that restrictions on investors buying bitcoin directly help explain the popularity of bitcoin treasury companies, as their stocks can serve as bitcoin proxies. But as crypto becomes more mainstream, the case for investing in bitcoin treasury companies becomes weaker, Kendrick said.

He added that bitcoin’s volatility could force some newer bitcoin treasury companies to sell their holdings to satisfy their debts if it falls under the purchase price.

“The question then becomes, how much pain can companies withstand before being forced to sell their BTC?” Kendrick said, referring to the symbol for bitcoin.

Triple digits

That’s how much of a one-day percentage increase in stock prices firms have seen after recently announcing plans to hold other types of cryptocurrencies as corporate treasuries, highlighting how the appetite for such companies extends beyond bitcoin.

SharpLink Gaming, a gambling marketing firm, saw its share price increase by more than 400% after it announced plans to buy up to $425 million in Ethereum, the second most popular form of cryptocurrency. And crypto firm Upexi saw its stock price soar more than 300% after it announced plans to buy $100 million of Solana, a cryptocurrency popular in the meme coin ecosystem.

City Cuts Key Incentive For Landlords to Take CityFHEPS Housing Vouchers

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In an effort to reduce program costs, landlords will no longer receive one month’s rent as incentive while the city processes housing voucher applications, a change that could make it less likely for property owners to rent to voucher holders.

An apartment building in the Bronx. (Photo by Adi Talwar)

In a cost-cutting measure, New York City’s Department of Social Services (DSS) will end an incentive for landlords to take city housing vouchers that offered them one month’s rent while the city processes tenants’ applications.

Landlords, advocates, and voucher holders say the change will make using the already hard-to-use vouchers even more difficult.

Families moving out of New York City shelters with a City Family Homelessness and Eviction Prevention Supplement (CityFHEPS) housing voucher pay 30 percent of their income on rent, with the subsidy covering the rest.

But finding an apartment can be a real challenge for voucher holders because of discrimination and a tight housing market. Landlords sometimes hesitate to accept tenants who use the program because it can require waiting for the city to inspect a unit and process a housing voucher application, forgoing rent from a market-paying tenant who could move in sooner.

With the “unit hold incentive,” the city paid landlords one month of rent if they held a unit off the market while the Human Resources Administration (HRA) processed the tenant’s housing voucher application.

“My worry is just fewer [landlords] will be as interested in participating in the program, because it’s one piece that’s been taken away. So it just potentially reduces the pool of people available, willing to rent to people with vouchers,” said Laura Lazurus, CEO of Anthos Home, a group that works with the city to recruit private landlords to rent to voucher holders.

The CityFHEPS program has recently come under scrutiny from budget groups and City Council members over spiraling costs. Its budget grew from $253 million in fiscal year 2021 to $1.25 billion in fiscal year 2025, as it serves more people than ever, with 55,000 households currently enrolled. A record 10,200 households moved out of shelter with CityFHEPS in fiscal year 2024, up 56 percent from the prior year, according to DSS.

More households are using CityFHEPS to find housing than in previous years. (DSS)

“The unit hold incentive served as a stop-gap solution to address the lack of robust mechanisms for processing rental subsidies to secure housing that is quickly leasing up,” said DSS Spokesperson Neha Sharma in a statement to City Limits.

DSS added that new technological systems for rental assistance rolled out last year will improve efficiency and make the unit hold incentive less of a necessity.

But the end of the practice came as a surprise to landlords and advocates working on CityFHEPS applications, who found out via email in late May.

“The landlord unit hold for all subsidies will be ending on July 1st,” HRA’s Deputy Chief Legal Affairs Officer Allison Gill Lambert said in an email. 

In order to get one last unit hold incentive for leases beginning July 1, DHS case managers have to submit their clients’ application packets before June 20. The June 3 deadline for applications from all other agencies already passed. 

“We were on a crunch to get packages passed and applications in as quickly as possible and approved,” said Joel Gil, a housing services specialist at Neighbors Together who works with New Yorkers on CityFHEPS applications.

Variable processing times

Application processing times have frustrated both tenants and landlords who say it can take months, making the extra money to hold the unit crucial. DSS has invested in trying to bring them down.

“Today, processing takes around three weeks on average, and we’re connecting a record number of New Yorkers to deeply affordable homes thanks, in part, to vital investments in technology and wide-ranging reforms to strengthen access to CityFHEPS vouchers,” said DSS’ Sharma.

Courtney Posey has a voucher and found an apartment but is still waiting for the city to finish processing for her application, first submitted in April.

Posey currently lives in a Brooklyn women’s shelter, and expressed trepidation about the delays and rule changes, worrying it could jeopardize her move out. 

“It could push everything back and especially if you’re in the system, you’re really anxious to just move on with your life,” Posey said. “I understand that place is just temporary. I’m just passing through. It’s not a home.”

At a hearing before the City Council in January, DSS Commissioner Molly Waslow Park said that the average application processing time was 24 days, but conceded “there is variation around that average,” pointing to delays or errors in applications that require back and forth between housing specialists that put together packets, and applicants and their advocates.

A report from the New York City Council released Tuesday also suggested that minor errors can result in restarting the process from the beginning.

“(DSS) also waits until an applicant household is verified as income-eligible for a specific housing unit before processing their CityFHEPS application, effectively doubling the approval timeline from initial application to shelter exit,” the report said.

It recommends DSS review applications and verify income “in parallel,” among other changes, including a call for the city to expand its staffing capacity by allowing more community-based groups to assist with CityFHEPS applications.  

“They need to streamline the process,” said Brian Blitzer, a broker who works with the program. “I could bring a regular person in here within less than a week. Why is it taking the city two months?”

“I do think New York City should be really commended for the work that they’ve done to build the CityFHEPS program,” said Anthos Home’s Lazarus, pointing out that that the size of city rental assistance programs make DSS’ the second largest program in the nation after New York City’s own Section 8 program. “I think there’s still work to do to make it more efficient, quicker, easier to access.”

In explaining the change, DSS pointed to a January 2024 Program to Eliminate the Gap (PEG), through which the Adams administration ordered city agencies to implement cost-cutting measures. It shows $16.5 million in savings in Fiscal Year 2025 from upgrades to a landlord and provider agency portal for rental assistance. The documents do not mention ending the unit hold incentive specifically, but DSS said the cost savings would come from eliminating the measure.

Sharma added that 90 percent of regular CityFHEPs packages are now being submitted through the new data system, called CurrRent.

An apartment building in Brooklyn. (Photo by Adi Talwar)

Blitzer, a broker with Compass, is currently trying to lease a renovated one bedroom in a  Harlem condo building to a voucher holder. The landlord wanted to accept a voucher, but is considering putting the rental back on the general market, Blitzer said, due to delays with the application and uncertainty around the month’s rent from the hold incentive. He’s been waiting on approval for the current applicant since April.

“Typically, the city process and … the time that it takes to move forward is just ridiculous. I mean, why would a landlord hold an apartment empty for two months when they can have it rented?” said Blitzer.

Building trust

New York City’s tight housing market makes it hard for voucher holders to compete for apartments. They tend to find homes concentrated in specific neighborhoods, a City Limits investigation found in February, and vouchers often do not pay enough to make it feasible to rent in high-rent neighborhoods.

“I’ve talked to landlords, especially ones that have apartments within the price range that the city pays, and they don’t want to even hear about,” Blitzer continued.

Landlords sometimes reject voucher holders out of hand just because they use a rental subsidy, a practice that has been illegal in New York City since 2008, but remains a common form of housing discrimination

“You’re not incentivizing any landlord to work with the city, and a lot of people already don’t,” added Blitzer.

As a result, building trust with landlords has been essential to the success of housing vouchers. The program, when operating smoothly, can be a win-win.

“Landlords have no problem working with the program, because they know they’re getting their rent on time. It’s a guarantee for them, and typically, the people will stay for an extended period of time,” added Blitzer.

Providing extra support can help. Anthos Home provides wraparound services for voucher holders and recruits property owners to participate. It “took a lot of work to convince landlords to continue to rent people with a city issued voucher,” said Anthos Home’s Lazarus.

But delays and changes like ending the incentive may undermine that trust. “”t’s gonna make it even more difficult to even market CityFHEPS to landlords,” said Neighbors Together’s Gil.

Landlord groups agreed. “This decision is concerning,” said Kenny Burgos, CEO of the New York Apartment Association, a trade group for building owners. “Without this assistance, many owners will no longer be financially able to hold units for months.”

‘No good choices

With the Trump administration proposing funding cuts for the city’s housing programs by 42 percent, state and local governments may need to step up to fill gaps, making CityFHEPS’ fiscal future all the more important.

The New York State budget passed last month included $50 million for a statewide rental voucher program. But that amount was far less than the $250 million called for in the Senate and Assembly’s budget proposals, and appears even smaller compared to the $1.25 billion the city spends on vouchers.

“The fact that [the state] made their first foray into vouchers in this way is a great first step,” said Lazarus.

But it still leaves the city with a big financial responsibility.

“The demand is greater than the city’s ability to pay for [CityFHEPS],” said Sean Campion, director of housing and economic development studies at the Citizens Budget Commission.

“They’re gonna have to make hard choices about how to fund the program as it exists today, but also on the expansion going forward, and there really are no good choices,” he added. (Mayor Adams’ administration has yet to implement City Council laws expanding eligibility for the program passed in 2023).

One of those choices is a proposed rent hike for a subset of CityFHEPS voucher holders renewing for their sixth year and beyond. Instead of the usual 30 percent, these tenants would pay 40 percent of their income toward rent under the rule change.

Commissioner Molly Park said that the reform is necessary for the program’s long-term sustainability, while some groups claim it may backfire by increasing other costs, such as emergency rent aid for voucher holders who can’t afford the increase.

While the rent contribution changes were subject to public review and a virtual hearing on May 30, DSS said that the city’s administrative procedures allowed them to cut the unit hold incentive without public review because the agency never included it in official rules.

Campion suggested CityFHEPS needs to be paired with other interventions that can reduce shelter populations, like increasing housing supply and financing more affordable housing.

“[CityFHEPS] is a big impact on the budget,” said Lazarus. “But I also think homelessness is a huge impact on the budget. We have to compare the impact of all these people not being housed and all the things that they’re now able to do because they are housed. They can focus on their employment, focus on their education, focus on their health, which they cannot do when they are in shelter.”

To reach the reporter behind this story, contact Patrick@citylimits.org. The reach the editor, contact Jeanmarie@citylimits.org

Want to republish this story? Find City Limits’ reprint policy here.

The post City Cuts Key Incentive For Landlords to Take CityFHEPS Housing Vouchers appeared first on City Limits.

Top RFK Jr. aide attacks US health system while running company that promotes wellness alternatives

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By MATTHEW PERRONE, AP Health Writer

WASHINGTON (AP) — Calley Means has built a following within the “Make America Healthy Again” movement by railing against the failings of the U.S. health system, often pinning the blame on one issue: corruption.

Means, a top aide to Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., was hired as a White House adviser in March. He has used that perch to attack the nation’s leading physician groups, federal agencies and government scientists, claiming they only protect their own interests in the nation’s $4.9 trillion-a-year industry.

In recent interviews, speeches and podcasts he has called the American Medical Association “a pharma lobbying group,” labeled the Food and Drug Administration “a sock puppet of industry,” and said federal health scientists have “overseen a record of utter failure.”

Means, however, has his own financial stake in the sprawling health system. He’s the co-founder of an online platform, Truemed, that offers dietary supplements, herbal remedies and other wellness products. Some of the vendors featured on Truemed’s website are supporters of Kennedy’s MAHA movement, which downplays the benefits of prescription drugs, vaccines and other rigorously tested medical products.

This Friday, May 30, 2025, image shows part of the website of the company TrueMed, which was co-founded by Calley Means, a top aide to Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (AP Photo)

Kennedy has pledged to run the Department of Health and Human Services with “radical transparency,” but Means has never had to publicly disclose his own financial details or where exactly they intersect with the policies he’s advancing.

“It reeks of hypocrisy,” said Dr. Reshma Ramachandran, a health researcher at Yale University. “In effect, he is representing another industry that is touting nonregulated products and using his platform within the government to financially benefit himself.”

In a written statement, Means said his government work has not dealt with matters affecting Truemed and has focused on issues like reforming nutrition programs and pressuring companies to phase out food dyes.

“Pursuing these large-scale MAHA goals to make America healthy has been the sole focus in my government work,” Means said.

Truemed helps users take tax-free money out of their health savings accounts, or HSAs, to spend on things that wouldn’t normally qualify as medical expenses, such as exercise equipment, meal delivery services and homeopathic remedies — mixtures of plants and minerals based on a centuries-old theory of medicine that’s not supported by modern science.

The business model caught the attention of the IRS last year, which issued an alert: “Beware of companies misrepresenting nutrition, wellness and general health expenses as medical care.”

Truemed co-founder and CEO, Justin Mares, said in a statement the company is “in full alignment” with IRS guidelines.

“Truemed enables patients to work with providers to use medical funds for root cause interventions like exercise and vitamin D to reverse disease under current law,” Mares said.

The full extent of Means’ potential conflicts — including his personal investments— are unclear because of his status as a special government employee.

Unlike presidential appointees and other senior officials, special government employees are temporary staffers who do not have to leave companies or sell investments that could be impacted by their work. Also, their financial disclosure forms are shielded from public release.

“It’s a big problem,” says Richard Painter, a former White House ethics lawyer under George W. Bush now at the University of Minnesota. Painter and other experts have raised alarms over a whirlwind of Trump administration actions to dismantle the government’s public integrity guardrails.

Still, part-time government employees are subject to the same law that bars all federal staffers from working on issues that could directly benefit their finances. When such cases arise, they must recuse themselves or risk criminal penalties.

Means regularly opines on matters before HHS, including rethinking the use of drugs for depression, weight loss, diabetes and other conditions. Recently he’s been promoting a new government report that calls for scaling back prescription medications in favor of exercise, dietary changes and other alternatives.

“If we rely less on our medical system, less on drugs, it necessitates the spiritual, cultural conversation about what we’re doing to our children’s bodies,” Means said in a recent podcast appearance.

Experts note that government ethics rules are intended to both prevent financial conflict violations, but also the appearance of such conflicts that might undermine public trust in government.

“If I were running the ethics office over at HHS, I sure as heck wouldn’t want anybody going around giving interviews and speeches about government matters that could have an effect on their own financial interests,” Painter said.

A rising star in the MAHA movement

Means’ rapid rise reflects the seeming contradictions within the MAHA movement itself, which urges followers to distrust both big corporations and the government agencies which regulate them.

Means rails against big pharma and food conglomerates, two industries that he says he spent years working for as a consultant in Washington.

Means has no medical training. A graduate of Harvard Business School, he previously ran a bridal gown startup with his wife. On Wednesday, he’s scheduled to be the keynote speaker at FDA’s annual science forum, according to a copy of the program shared with The Associated Press.

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He traces his passion for health care reform to the death of his mother from pancreatic cancer in 2021. Shortly thereafter, Means and his sister, Dr. Casey Means, took psychedelics together and had “a mind-blowing, life-changing experience,” which led them to co-author a wellness book, launch separate health startups and begin appearing on podcasts.

Casey Means was recently nominated to be surgeon general and has faced scrutiny over her qualifications, including an unfinished medical residency.

Asked about her nomination, President Donald Trump said: “Bobby thought she was fantastic,” adding that he did not know her.

Meanwhile, her brother has stepped up his rhetoric for the MAHA agenda, recently declaring that Kennedy has “a spiritual mandate to reform our broken system.”

While promoting the administration’s accomplishments, Means does not shy away from plugging his own brand or those of his business partners.

When asked to offer health advice to listeners of a sports podcast, Outkick The Show, in April, Means said: “Read our book, ‘Good Energy.’”

He also recommended blood tests sold by Function Health, which provides subscription-based testing for $500 annually. The company was cofounded by Dr. Mark Hyman, a friend of Kennedy and an investor in Truemed, which also offers Hyman’s supplements through its platform. Casey Means is also an investor in Hyman’s company.

“If you’re sick, most likely you have some kind of nutrient deficiency, some kind of biomarker that you can actually then target with your diet and your supplements,” Calley Means said.

Like dietary supplements, the marketing claims on laboratory tests sold by Hyman are not approved by the FDA. The agency has warned for years about the accuracy of such tests and tried to start regulating them under President Joe Biden.

Experts say MAHA entrepreneurs like Hyman are following a playbook common to the wellness industry: Identify a health concern, market a test to diagnose it and then sell supplements or other remedies to treat it.

“It ends up favoring these products and services that rest on flimsy grounds, at the expense of products that have actually survived a rigorous FDA approval process,” said Dr. Peter Lurie, a former FDA official who is now president of the Center for Science in the Public Interest.

Many of the items sold via Truemed, including sweat tents, cold plunge tanks and light therapy lamps, wouldn’t typically qualify as medical expenses under rules for HSAs, tax-free accounts created by Congress to manage medical costs.

The IRS generally states that HSA purchases must help diagnose, cure, treat, mitigate or prevent disease.

Truemed allows users to request a “letter of medical necessity” from a doctor, stating that the product in question could have medical value for them. Like other telehealth services, there’s usually no real-time communication with the patient. The physician reviews a “simple survey solution,” filled out by the Truemed user, according to the company’s website.

Industry representatives say customers should be careful.

“You need to be prepared to defend your spending habits under audit,” said Kevin McKechnie, head of the American Bankers Association’s HSA council. “Companies are popping up suggesting they can help you manage that process and maybe they can — so the debate continues.”

Americans have an estimated $147 billion in HSA accounts, a potential windfall for companies like Truemed that collects fees for transactions made using their platforms.

Means sees an even bigger opportunity — routing federal funds out of government programs and into more HSAs.

“The point of our company is to steer medical dollars into flexible spending,” Means told fitness celebrity Jillian Michaels, on her podcast last year. “I want to get that $4.5 trillion of Medicare, Medicaid, everything into a flexible account.”

Who benefits most from HSAs?

Means’ pitch for expanding HSAs echoes two decades of Republican talking points on the accounts, which were created in 2003 to encourage Americans in high-deductible plans to be judicious with their health dollars.

But HSAs have not brought down spending, economists say. They are disproportionately used by the wealthiest Americans, who have more income to fund them and a bigger incentive to lower their tax rate.

Americans who earn more than $1 million annually are the group most likely to make regular HSA contributions, according to an analysis by the nonprofit Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. More than half Americans with HSAs have balances less than $500.

Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” would further expand HSA purchases, making gym memberships and other fitness expenses eligible for tax-free spending. That provision alone is expected to cost the government $10 billion in revenue.

“These are really just tax breaks in the guise of health policy that overwhelmingly benefit people with high incomes,” said Gideon Lukens, a former White House budget official during the Obama and Trump administrations, now with the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

Expanding HSA eligibility was listed as a goal for a coalition of MAHA entrepreneurs and Truemed partners, founded by Means, which lobbied Congress last year, according to the group’s website.

Means said in a statement that the group focused only on broad topics like “health care incentives and patient choice — but did not lobby for specific bills.”

In total, the HSA expansions in Trump’s bill are projected to cost the federal government $180 billion over the next 10 years. As HSAs expand to include more disparate products and services, Lukens says the U.S. government will have fewer dollars to expand medical coverage through programs like Medicaid.

“We have a limited amount of federal resources and the question is whether we want to spend that on health and wellness products that may or may not be helpful for wealthy people,” Lukens said.

The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Science and Educational Media Group and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content.