One of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre’s last survivors, Viola Ford Fletcher, dies age 111

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By JAMIE STENGLE

DALLAS (AP) — Viola Ford Fletcher, who as one of the last survivors of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre in Oklahoma spent her later years seeking justice for the deadly attack by a white mob on the thriving Black community where she lived as a child, has died. She was 111.

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Her grandson Ike Howard said Monday that she died surrounded by family at a Tulsa hospital. Sustained by a strong faith, she raised three children, worked as a welder in a shipyard during World War II and spent decades caring for families as a housekeeper.

She was 7 when the two-day attack began on Tulsa’s Greenwood district on May 31, 1921, after a local newspaper published a sensationalized report about a Black man accused of assaulting a white woman. As a white mob grew outside the courthouse, Black Tulsans with guns who hoped to prevent the man’s lynching began showing up. White residents responded with overwhelming force. Hundreds of people were killed and homes were burned and looted, leaving over 30 city blocks decimated in the prosperous community known as Black Wall Street.

“I could never forget the charred remains of our once-thriving community, the smoke billowing in the air, and the terror-stricken faces of my neighbors,” she wrote in her 2023 memoir, “Don’t Let Them Bury My Story.”

As her family left in a horse-drawn buggy, her eyes burned from the smoke and ash, she wrote. She described seeing piles of bodies in the streets and watching as a white man shot a Black man in the head, then fired toward her family.

She told The Associated Press in an interview the year her memoir was published that fear of reprisals influenced her years of near-silence about the massacre. She wrote the book with Howard, her grandson, who said he had to persuade her to tell her story.

“We don’t want history to repeat itself so we do need to educate people about what happened and try to get people to understand why you need to be made whole, why you need to be repaired,” Howard told the AP in 2024. “The generational wealth that was lost, the home, all the belongings, everything was lost in one night.”

The attack went largely unremembered for decades. In Oklahoma, wider discussions began when the state formed a commission in 1997 to investigate the violence.

Fletcher, who in 2021 testified before Congress about what she went through, joined her younger brother, Hughes Van Ellis, and another massacre survivor, Lessie Benningfield Randle, in a lawsuit seeking reparations. The Oklahoma Supreme Court dismissed it in June 2024, saying their grievances did not fall within the scope of the state’s public nuisance statute.

“For as long as we remain in this lifetime, we will continue to shine a light on one of the darkest days in American history,” Fletcher and Randle said in a statement at the time. Van Ellis had died a year earlier, at the age of 102.

In this 1921 image provided by the Library of Congress, smoke billows over Tulsa, Okla. For decades, when it was discussed at all, the killing of hundreds of people in a prosperous black business district in 1921 was referred to as the Tulsa race riot. Under new standards developed by teachers for approaching the topic, students are encouraged to consider the differences between labeling it a “massacre” instead of a “riot,” as it is still commemorated in state laws. (Alvin C. Krupnick Co./Library of Congress via AP)

A Justice Department review, launched under the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crime Act and released in January 2024, outlined the massacre’s scope and impact. It concluded that federal prosecution may have been possible a century ago, but there was no longer an avenue to bring a criminal case.

The city has been looking for ways to help descendants of the massacre’s victims without giving direct cash payments. Some of the last living survivors, including Fletcher, received donations from groups but have not received any payments from the city or state.

Fletcher, born in Oklahoma on May 10, 1914, spent most of her early years in Greenwood. It was an oasis for Black people during segregation, she wrote in her memoir. Her family had a nice home, she said, and the community had everything from doctors to grocery stores to restaurants and banks.

Forced to flee during the massacre, her family became nomadic, living out of a tent as they worked in the fields as sharecroppers. She didn’t finish school beyond the fourth grade.

At the age of 16, she returned to Tulsa, where she got a job cleaning and creating window displays in a department store, she wrote in her memoir. She then met Robert Fletcher, and they married and moved to California. During World War II, she worked in a Los Angeles shipyard as a welder, she wrote.

She eventually left her husband, who was physically abusive, and gave birth to their son, Robert Ford Fletcher, she wrote. Longing to be closer to her family, she returned to Oklahoma and settled north of Tulsa in Bartlesville.

Fletcher wrote that her faith and the close-knit Black community gave her the support she needed to raise her children. She had another son, James Edward Ford, and a daughter, Debra Stein Ford, from other relationships.

She worked for decades as a housekeeper, doing everything in those homes from cooking to cleaning to caring for children, Howard said. She worked until she was 85.

She eventually returned to Tulsa to live. Howard said his grandmother hoped the move would help in her fight for justice.

Howard said the reaction his grandmother got when she started speaking out was therapeutic for her.

“This whole process has been helpful,” Howard said.

PODCAST: ¿Qué ocurrió en la redada migratoria con helicóptero y cientos de agentes en Chicago?

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Esta redada fue parte de una campaña en Chicago contra la inmigración ilegal llamada “Operation Midway Blitz”, que comenzó en septiembre con algunas detenciones en barrios latinos, se extendió por la ciudad y duró un par de meses.

Los agentes del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos en las instalaciones del ICE en Chicago, el 3 de octubre de 2025. (Foto del DHS por Tia Dufour)

Poco después de medianoche del 30 de septiembre, un helicóptero Black Hawk sobrevolaba un edificio de la zona sur de Chicago. Los equipos SWAT descendieron por cuerdas. Tumbaron puertas. Las familias fueron despertadas por granadas aturdidoras.

Tras la operación, la administración Trump afirmó que su objetivo eran los miembros de una violenta banda venezolana, el Tren de Aragua, y que en el edificio se encontrarían pruebas de una grave amenaza.

Sin embargo, una investigación de ProPublica muestra la diferencia entre lo que los funcionarios de inmigración dijeron y lo que los reporteros han recabado.

Unos 37 residentes fueron arrestados, algunos llevados a prisiones y centros de detención y luego deportados, sin que se les acusara de ningún delito.

En las ocho audiencias a las que el medio independiente asistió, en ninguna, dijeron, se mencionó la pertenencia a pandillas. En cambio, los jueces concedieron la salida voluntaria o la deportación, lo que sugiere que no son considerados como amenaza.

Esta redada fue parte de una campaña en Chicago contra la inmigración ilegal llamada “Operation Midway Blitz”, que comenzó en septiembre con algunas detenciones en barrios latinos, se extendió por la ciudad y duró un par de meses.

En estos meses, la operación en Chicago dio lugar a más de 3.200 arrestos, entre estos a ciudadanos estadounidenses e inmigrantes, dos tiroteos distintos —uno mortal—y lesiones a un pastor que protestaba fuera de un centro de detención.

Según los datos federales presentados ante el tribunal por el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional de los Estados Unidos como parte de una demanda judicial, de los 614 inmigrantes detenidos en la “Operation Midway Blitz”, solo 16 tenían antecedentes penales significativos, representando el 2.5 por ciento, como reportó primero el Chicago Tribune.

Así que para hablar sobre el reportaje, las personas que fueron arrestadas y las que fueron deportadas, invitamos a Melissa Sanchez, quien es reportera de ProPublica y una de las autoras del reportaje.

Más detalles en nuestra conversación a continuación.

Ciudad Sin Límites, el proyecto en español de City Limits, y El Diario de Nueva York se han unido para crear el pódcast “El Diario Sin Límites” para hablar sobre latinos y política. Para no perderse ningún episodio de nuestro pódcast “El Diario Sin Límites” síguenos en Spotify, Soundcloud, Apple Pódcast y Stitcher. Todos los episodios están allí. ¡Suscríbete!

The post PODCAST: ¿Qué ocurrió en la redada migratoria con helicóptero y cientos de agentes en Chicago? appeared first on City Limits.

US-backed aid company in Gaza shutters operations as Israel’s military and defense minister clash

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By JULIA FRANKEL and NATALIE MELZER, Associated Press

JERUSALEM (AP) — The U.S.- and Israel-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, set up to distribute aid to Gaza as an alternative to the United Nations but which Palestinians said endangered the lives of civilians as they tried to get food, said Monday it would shutter operations.

The company had already closed distribution sites after a U.S.-brokered ceasefire took effect six weeks ago in Gaza. It announced Monday that it was permanently shutting down, claiming it had fulfilled its mission. “We have succeeded in our mission of showing there’s a better way to deliver aid to Gazans,” GHF director John Acree said in a statement.

Also Monday, Israel’s defense minister clashed publicly with the military’s chief of staff over the army’s latest probes of its failures in the Oct. 7 attack on Israel that sparked the Israel-Hamas war.

The operations of the GHF were shrouded in secrecy during its short time in operation. Launched with U.S. and Israeli backing as an alternative to the United Nations, the group never revealed its sources of funding and little about the armed contractors who operated the sites.

It said its goal was to deliver aid to Gaza without it being diverted by Hamas.

Palestinians, aid workers and health officials have said the system forced aid-seekers to risk their lives to reach the sites by passing Israeli troops who secured the locations. Soldiers often opened fire, killing hundreds, according to witnesses and videos posted to social media. The Israeli military says it only fired warning shots as a crowd-control measure or if its troops were in danger.

GHF said there was no violence in the aid sites themselves but acknowledged the potential dangers people faced when traveling to them on foot. However, contractors working at the sites, backed by video accounts, said the American security guards fired live ammunition and stun grenades as hungry Palestinians scrambled for food.

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GHF shutters

Acree said that GHF would hand off its work to the U.S.-led center in Israel overseeing the Gaza ceasefire, called the Civil-Military Coordination Center.

“GHF has been in talks with CMCC and international organizations now for weeks about the way forward and it’s clear they will be adopting and expanding the model GHF piloted,” he said.

Tommy Piggott, a deputy spokesperson for the U.S. State Department, said on the social media platform X that GHF had “shared valuable lessons learned with us and our partners.”

GHF began operating in late May, after Israel had halted food deliveries to Gaza for three months, pushing the population toward famine.

Israel intended for the private contractor group to replace the U.N. food distribution system, claiming Hamas was diverting large amounts of aid. The U.N. denied the claims.

The U.N. had opposed the creation of GHF, saying the system gave Israel control over food distribution and could force the displacement of Palestinians. Throughout the war, the U.N. led a massive humanitarian effort with other aid groups, distributing food, medicine, fuel and other supplies at hundreds of centers around Gaza.

In the release, GHF said it had delivered over 3 million food boxes to Gaza, totaling 187 million meals.

Israel’s military chief and defense minister in rare public clash

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz and military Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir clashed publicly on Monday over the army’s investigation into what happened Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas killed around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducted 251 people to Gaza.

Katz has said earlier that he would order a re-examination of the military’s latest internal review. He also said he would be freezing new appointments in the army pending the conclusions of this new review. Israel’s government has long resisted the establishment of a state commission of inquiry into the Oct. 7 attack.

In response, Zamir said in a sharply worded statement Monday that the defense minister’s move was “puzzling” and “not substantive.” He said that freezing appointments would harm the military’s “capabilities and its readiness for the upcoming challenges” and claimed he would continue to “hold posting discussions as planned, in accordance with his authority.”

The army “is the only body in the country that has thoroughly investigated its own failures and taken responsibility for them,” wrote Zamir. “If any further examination is required to complete the picture, it must take the form of an external, objective and independent commission” that will also probe “the interface between the military echelon and the political echelon.”

Moments after Zamir put out the statement, Katz doubled down on his decision, releasing a statement saying he “respects” the military chief of staff, “who knows very well that he is subordinate to the prime minister, the defense minister, and the government of Israel.” He added he “does not intend to argue in the media” and re-asserted his authority to decide on military appointments.

Following the military’s latest review, Zamir sanctioned 13 army officials who were top commanders on Oct. 7, 2023, censuring some and forcing others into retirement.

The Oct. 7, 2023 attack kickstarted the war in Gaza, in which over 69,700 Palestinians have been killed and over 170,800 injured, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry.

The ministry does not distinguish between civilians and combatants in its figures but has said women and children make up a majority of those killed. The ministry, part of the Hamas-run government and staffed by medical professionals, maintains detailed records viewed as generally reliable by independent experts.

Melzer reported from Nahariya, Israel.

Lawmakers question legality of Border Patrol license plate reader program

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By BYRON TAU and GARANCE BURKE, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — A number of Democratic lawmakers are questioning the legality of a U.S. Border Patrol predictive intelligence program that singles out and detains drivers for suspicious travel inside the country.

Sen. Ed Markey of Massachusetts sent a letter Monday to Border Patrol’s parent agency calling the license plate reader program an “invasive surveillance network” that “poses a serious threat to individuals’ privacy and civil liberties” and raised the possibility that the program may run afoul of the U.S. Constitution.

“Such pervasive surveillance — similar to surveillance conducted by authoritarian regimes such as China — not only chills lawful expression and assembly but also raises serious constitutional concerns. Without transparency, accountability, and clear limitations, these practices erode fundamental individual rights and set a dangerous precedent for unchecked government power,” Markey wrote in a letter asking the agency for details about the plate readers and their use.

A license plate reader stands along the side of a road, Wednesday, Oct. 15, 2025, in Stockdale, Texas. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

An Associated Press investigation published last week revealed that the U.S. Border Patrol, a component of U.S. Customs and Border Protection, is running a predictive intelligence program monitoring millions of American drivers nationwide to identify and detain people whose travel patterns it deems suspicious. In some instances, Border Patrol concealed its license plate readers in ordinary traffic equipment. The agency also had access to plate data collected by other federal, state and local law enforcement agencies as well as from private companies.

The program, which has existed under administrations of both parties, has resulted in people being stopped, searched and in some cases arrested. A network of cameras scans and records vehicle license plate information, and an algorithm flags vehicles deemed suspicious based on where they came from, where they were going and which route they took. Federal agents in turn sometimes refer drivers they deem suspicious to local law enforcement who make a traffic stop citing a reason like speeding or lane change violations.

Courts have generally upheld license plate reader collection on public roads but have curtailed warrantless government access to other kinds of persistent tracking data that might reveal sensitive details about the movement of individuals, such as GPS devices or cellphone location data. A growing critique by scholars and civil libertarians argues that large-scale collection systems like license plate readers might be unconstitutional under the Fourth Amendment, which protects people from unreasonable searches.

“Increasingly, courts have recognized that the use of surveillance technologies can violate the Fourth Amendment’s protections against unreasonable searches and seizures. Although this area of law is still developing, the use of LPRs and predictive algorithms to track and flag individuals’ movements represents the type of sweeping surveillance that should raise constitutional concerns,” Markey wrote.

CBP did not immediately respond to a request for comment but previously said the agency uses license plate readers to help identify threats and disrupt criminal networks and their use of the technology is “governed by a stringent, multi-layered policy framework, as well as federal law and constitutional protections, to ensure the technology is applied responsibly and for clearly defined security purposes.”

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Other lawmakers echoed Markey’s concerns about the legality of the program.

Rep. Dan Goldman, a New York Democrat and member of the House Homeland Security Committee, wrote on the social media site X on Saturday that if CBP “is secretly tracking millions of Americans’ travel patterns and detaining people based on an algorithm, not warrants or evidence, how is that consistent with the Fourth Amendment?”

“Driving isn’t probable cause,” Goldman wrote. “Congress needs full transparency on this program immediately.”

Virginia Sen. Mark Warner, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, also said he had constitutional concerns.

“As Americans across the nation hit the road this holiday season, they shouldn’t have to worry that their travel might make them a target for law enforcement or open them up to undue questioning about their movements, activities, and relationships,” Warner said in a statement.

Tau reported from Washington. Burke reported from San Francisco.