In Rural West Texas, Renewable Energy Brings a Windfall for Seniors

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This story was produced by Grist and co-published with The Texas Observer.

In the far corner of the Crockett County Senior Center, 75-year-old Cynthia Flores almost always has a puzzle going. She and her friends sort colors and look for edge pieces while they gossip — “faster than the telephone” — in the Tex-Mex blend of Spanish and English they grew up speaking in Ozona, a tiny ranching and oil outpost in far West Texas. A couple of days before Valentine’s Day, their puzzle surface was one of the few in the center not covered in red and pink hearts; preparations were underway for the big dance the following night.

“La comida esta ready,” another senior said, calling the puzzlers to lunch. Flores placed one last piece, then took her seat at a long community table. The plate in front of her would have delighted a nutritionist with its lean protein and mountain of steamed broccoli. She pulled a tiny plastic container of teriyaki sauce out of her bag and poured the contents over the meat. “They feed us what we need,” Flores said, “but I always fix it up.” Mostly, she said, she’s just thankful not to have to cook. Like many of her friends, Flores still lives at home, but comes into the center for lunch most days. After being married at 16 and preparing food for herself and her family for almost 60 years, she said she was ready for a break. 

Ozona resident Alex Castañeda collects the nickel-per-game buy-in for bingo at the Crockett County Senior Center. (Reid Bader / Grist)

Some might say Flores and her friends are living the retirement dream. The center is like a second home, with nutritious food and a full calendar of bingo, dominoes, and social events. Thanks to services like these, many of Crockett County’s aging residents have been able to stay in the familiar community where they, their parents, and sometimes even their grandparents grew up. Flores has been cutting hair locally for decades, working primarily out of her house. Many of her clients now are in their 90s. “I’ve been blessed to work in Ozona, where I can do my own thing,” she said. 

Ozona is the only town in Crockett County’s 2,800 square miles, and technically, it’s not even that. “The Biggest Little Town in the World,” as it brands itself, is technically unincorporated, meaning that the county is the only municipal government for its 2,800 residents. One person per square mile means Crockett isn’t the most rural county in Texas, but it’s up there. Taxes and regulations are minimal. The nearest city, San Angelo (the locals just say “Angelo”), is 90 minutes away. The nearest metro area, San Antonio, is three hours.

Ozona, Texas, also known as “The Biggest Little Town in the World,” sits at the crossroads of ranching, oil, and wind energy. ( Reid Bader / Grist)

In her chic, clear-frame bifocals and flowy duster, Flores makes aging gracefully in place in one of the most rural places in the United States look easy. It’s not. In many rural communities, seniors may find it hard or impossible to get the resources they need to remain in their homes and hometowns. Older Americans are already at risk of isolation, and living in a remote area can make that worse. Not to mention, resources are thin, local hospitals and other services are folding, and groceries may be pricey, far away, or both. According to the Rural Health Information Hub’s summary of U.S. Department of Agriculture data, 10.2 percent of seniors in rural areas don’t have sufficient access to healthy and nutritious food, compared with 8.5 percent in metro areas. 

But in Ozona, older adults like Flores are thriving. The Crockett County government has created a strong network of senior services, and ensures that they are supported — with the help of a wonky tax arrangement and some powerful new neighbors: wind companies.  

A rural highway outside Ozona stretches past rows of wind turbines, part of the expanding renewable energy footprint across West Texas. ( Reid Bader / Grist)

About 15 miles north of the senior center on State Highway 163, the wind turbines start cropping up, fleets of towering structures owned and operated by a company called NextEra Energy. In Texas, wind generates 29 percent of the power distributed by the state’s notoriously independent power grid—second only to natural gas. According to the state comptroller, Texas wind generation surpassed nuclear power in 2014 and overtook coal-fired generation in 2020. As of 2023, the state led the nation with 239 wind-related projects and more than 15,300 wind turbines. 

In Crockett County, the turbines generate more than just electricity. Money from NextEra supports the meals that Flores and her friends enjoy at the center and helps make events like the Valentine’s Day Dance possible. 

It all comes down to clever utilization of a section of the Texas tax code. As a way of attracting large projects like wind farms, the state offers companies a temporary property tax break — up to 10 years — in exchange for local investment. This Texas Abatement Act (also known as Section 312) means less tax revenue in the short term, but more dollars immediately flowing to community projects and programs like the senior center in Crockett.

While some economists say the abatements are unnecessary to recruit the companies — there aren’t many places they can go where taxes would be lower — the opportunity to reduce start-up costs for wind turbines or data centers or other developments gives the county a bargaining tool.

Many counties and cities use funding generated from these deals to improve roads and other infrastructure that might be strained by the new development, or to fund other public projects that don’t have a place in the regular budget. In Medina County, for instance, officials negotiated with incoming data centers to improve roads where locals were concerned about increased traffic. 

In Crockett County, like many places in West Texas, roads, jobs, and public projects have long been tied to oil and natural gas revenue, with its attendant booms and busts. According to Crockett County Judge Frank Tambunga, oil and gas have kept public coffers full in Ozona, even with the ups and downs of the industry — and the steadier (though usually lower) revenues from wind farms will likely add consistency to an already healthy budget. 

Ozona’s services for seniors are usually funded by a mix of federal and local funds, as well as charitable donations. As NextEra expanded its wind farms and more turbines cropped up, Tambunga saw the opportunity to offer those aging support services a boost.

Outside Ozona, an oil pumpjack works beneath a line of wind turbines, a reminder that West Texas still runs on both the past and the future of energy.

(Reid Bader / Grist)

Tambunga is a native of Ozona. Now in his early 60s, he’s well acquainted with the sorts of choices his slightly older peers are making. He hears their concerns about health care, groceries, and social isolation. When he considered what to ask for in the tax abatement negotiations with NextEra, those concerns were top of mind. But rather than push for a new public department or project, Tambunga looked to those already doing the work in the community. 

“As we negotiate, we ask that, during the term of the abatement, that they make charitable contributions to nonprofit organizations to help the local groups,” said Tambunga. “It allows us to provide support for these organizations that help people within the community.”

Eligio Martinez remembers when the wind companies first arrived in Crockett County in the 2010s. He was a county commissioner back then (at times in Ozona, it feels like everyone has taken their turn in county office), and remembers talking to other counties to figure out the best terms for the tax abatement deal. Locally, he said, the wind turbines were an easy sell. “We welcomed them,” Martinez said. No one got caught up in the politics of green energy — something that Texas’ oil-funded politicians regularly debate — or even the aesthetic effect of adding turbines to the wide open vistas. They saw the chance to increase their tax base and gain funding for local services, Martinez said. “If it’s beneficial to the community, we’re going to stick together.”

For their part, the residents at the senior center didn’t understand exactly how the turbines worked — when the massive structures first arrived, they said, locals wondered if they could run electricity directly from the turbine and were skeptical when they learned that the electricity would be sent to Texas’ power grid to be used elsewhere. Energy-funded towns like theirs are used to asking: “How long will the royalties last?” They’re asking the same about the wind farms. They’ve lived long enough to watch booms and busts in nearly every industry — ranching, oil and gas, banking — but donations from the tax abatement deals and the increased tax revenue for the school district are welcome while they last. 

There’s a pragmatism, Martinez said, that comes from being so remote. “We’re very vulnerable here,” he said. When his mom got cancer in 2013, he saw just how vulnerable. He was lucky enough to have a job that allowed him the flexibility to take her to her chemotherapy appointments in San Angelo, but if he hadn’t, he wondered how she would have made the trek over and over, being as sick as she was.

Even for more able-bodied seniors, transportation is a hurdle in Ozona. The Concho Valley Transit buses make daily runs to San Angelo, and many use them for errands, but some don’t want to be out all day until the scheduled return trip. Some may have to check in for dialysis and cancer treatments at hours when the buses don’t run. And for those with more complex medical conditions or advanced cancer, San Angelo doesn’t have what they need. They’d have to go to San Antonio, Dallas, or even Houston — all between three and seven hours away. Whoever provides that transportation — usually a family member — is taking on substantial costs. 

Martinez started looking for ways to raise funds to help others in his community pay for these travel expenses. He was a radio DJ, so his first idea was a music festival. He organized a day-long festival, and posted some student volunteers by the door to collect entry fees. Almost no one came to hear the music, he said, but when he checked with the students at the door, they had raised $5,000. People had simply dropped off donations. Even if they didn’t want to spend the day listening to music, they wanted to help. Everyone knew this was a huge issue for rural Texans, and that most likely, at some point, they too would need to make long drives to access various forms of medical treatment. 

Martinez hosted a few more music festivals, but eventually realized that he didn’t need to put on an event — locals were ready to donate. He created a nonprofit, In Care of Ozona (or “Coz 4 Oz”), that provides gas cards and hotel funds for folks who need to travel for medical care. 

This year, Martinez became a beneficiary of the very programs he helped negotiate back on the commissioners court: He received two donations from NextEra, totaling $3,000 — Coz 4 Oz’s entire budget for the moment. 

It’s not just medical emergencies that create transportation woes in Ozona. Ordinary errands can be just as burdensome. As in many small towns, the local grocery store prices are high. Prices are better in San Angelo, so seniors will often carpool for the 90-minute drive, or if someone is planning to make a trip, they’ll take a list of what their neighbors need. Much of the impromptu organizing runs through the senior center, said Director Emily Marsh. “It’s like a huge family.”

Back at the Crockett County Senior Center, while Flores and her friends were working on their puzzles, 69-year-old Arletta Gandy loaded trays of hot meals into her small SUV. The former grocery store manager’s dangly, candy heart-inspired earrings bobbled as she heaved a box full of lunch sacks onto the back seat. She and two other volunteer drivers show up to the senior center every weekday to drive the three “Helping Hands” routes, delivering meals to 42 seniors around Ozona. It’s a good way to get out of the house in her retirement, said Gandy, who doesn’t consider herself “from Ozona” because, as she said, “I’ve only been here over 20 years.” 

Arletta Gandy delivers lunch to a resident in Ozona, part of the network providing food and support to older Texans in rural communities. (Reid Bader / Grist)

After eight years delivering meals in the community, she knows the routes by heart. She knows which recipients have dietary restrictions and which dogs will run out of the house if she opens the door too wide. At some houses she chats briefly. Others have their own rituals. One man does little more than reach out from behind his screen door, but every day, as Gandy walks back down the plywood ramp overpassing the porch stairs, he says, “See you later, alligator.” 

“After a while, crocodile,” Gandy responds. 

“Nacho nacho,” the man calls back. 

“Nacho nacho,” Gandy replies. 

The Helping Hands program has been operating in Ozona for as long as Director Stacy Mendez can remember. She’s been involved since childhood. “I remember helping my grandmother and aunt deliver meals,” Mendez said. The program began in a local Catholic church, and when the Crockett County Senior Center opened with its commercial kitchen over 20 years ago, Helping Hands moved in.

Arletta Gandy delivers lunch to a resident in Ozona, part of the network providing food and support to older Texans in rural communities. (Reid Bader / Grist)

In Texas alone, an estimated 100,000 seniors rely on meals funded through Meals on Wheels programs like this one. Across the board, federal funding for these programs has dwindled as pandemic-era appropriations expired and the Trump administration began canceling grants and slashing federal budgets. A government shutdown in the fall further disrupted an already unstable funding stream. Last September, a $20,000 donation from NextEra came just in time, Mendez said. It kept their lean operation afloat, replacing the lost federal dollars and allowing Helping Hands to continue operating through the shutdown, while other programs around the state had to cut back services. 

Other Texas counties could also use the renewables boom to meet local needs. The number of Texans 65 and older is expected to more than double from 3.9 million in 2020 to 8.3 million by 2050, making it the state’s fastest growing population, according to AARP. That’s a concern for hunger advocates like Jeremy Everett, director of the Baylor Collaborative on Hunger and Poverty, because seniors are already one of the most food-insecure groups, after young children. But while kids can get food through their schools, such hubs don’t usually exist for seniors, especially in rural areas. In 2026, Meals on Wheels reported that nearly 14 million seniors worried about having enough food.

“Without the ability to safely and reliably access affordable food, senior adults may no longer be able to live in the rural communities they have called home,” Everett said. 

In Crockett County, money from the wind farms is helping to address that issue. The county is also working with the Baylor Collaborative on Hunger and Poverty to identify ongoing gaps. Especially in times of economic uncertainty, a coalition-based approach to senior hunger is vital, said Everett. No one sector can meet every need, so partnerships between local governments, industry, and nonprofits are key. “That’s how strong food systems are built from the ground up,” Everett said.

There’s another group of Crockett County seniors who benefit from the wind farms: ranchers. Steve Wilkins’ family has owned and operated the 6,000-acre Flying W Ranch for four generations, and he and his wife Belinda now breed Brahman beef cattle and lease part of their land to hunters. Belinda also sits on the board of the senior center. 

Steve Wilkins stands beside a pen of Brahman cattle outside of Ozona, part of a livestock tradition that has shaped the family for generations.

(Reid Bader / Grist)

As of Valentine’s Day, Wilkins reckoned he was probably a month or so away from signing a deal to lease part of his family ranch to a wind company. Most of the ranches around them have already done so. “I’ve kind of been dragging my feet on it,” Wilkins said. He’s not sure how he feels about wind energy, but these days ranchers have to be pragmatic. Many also lease to oil and gas companies — one of the more lucrative ways to keep a ranch intact. But in “mature regions” like Crockett County, many oil wells have already been producing for decades, putting them near the end of their productivity. Natural gas can have a similar lifespan, but big profits tend to drop sharply after the first six months to two years. 

Wind, of course, is not a finite resource. Theoretically, the region could keep producing wind and reaping the benefits indefinitely, or as long as demand for electricity continues apace. Still, there’s skepticism about how long it will last, Belinda said. If the wind boom comes and goes, they’ll just have to keep adapting, as they always have. 

In any case, the wind farms are a longer-term investment. Wind money doesn’t start flowing to the ranchers immediately, Wilkins said. The companies told him that it could be seven or eight years before they start seeing royalties. At 70, Wilkins said, that’s of little use to him. But ranchers are also used to seeing land management in generational terms. “Maybe my kids can keep the ranch,” he said. 

Cynthia Flores works on a client at a small Ozona salon, one of the everyday businesses that anchor the town’s economy and social life.

(Reid Bader / Grist)

In the hours leading up to the Valentine’s Day dance, Jerry and Willa Perry checked in for their weekly appointment at Flores’ in-home salon. Jerry removed a red MAGA-style cap that said “Make Texas A Country Again” and placed his hearing aids inside while Flores trimmed his white hair. Willa, his wife of 70 years, looked on smiling. “I can’t wait to get you home,” she joked, raising her eyebrows playfully. Jerry smirked — although he could not hear her, he got her meaning just fine.   

Flores charges on a sliding scale from about $12 to $40 to make sure all her clients can afford to stay coiffed. She makes enough to stay in the house, which she rents. But at her age, she said, she knows that she’s just one medical emergency away from needing full-time care, which she’ll likely find at the county’s local public nursing home.   

After finishing with her last clients, Flores changed into a billowy red pantsuit, pearls, and bedazzled sneakers. The dance didn’t start until 6 p.m., but she and several other regulars were there by 5 to get a good table. Emily Marsh and Belinda Wilkins enlisted their help setting out food on the long buffet. By the time the DJ fired up the first cumbia number, about 60 seniors were seated around the dance floor with plates of chips, cookies, and veggies with dip. 

Things started slowly, but began to pick up when a country two-step song came on. Judge Tambunga and his wife got up to dance, and other couples immediately followed. At the next cumbia, Flores rustled up a group of single ladies to take the floor. A couple songs later, she led a conga line. 

This story was supported by a grant from the Solutions Journalism Network.

The post In Rural West Texas, Renewable Energy Brings a Windfall for Seniors appeared first on The Texas Observer.

How a High School Librarian in Abilene Fought Back Against Moms for Liberty 

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Recess in the schools of Abilene, Texas can be cancelled for any number of reasons. It’s too hot. It’s too cold. The students broke all the rules that day. Baby rattlesnakes were spotted by a custodian on morning duty. 

That last one is fairly common at my children’s school. I’ll admit that when my in-laws from Ohio visit, I play up this fact. There’s something about saying, “My kids couldn’t go to recess today because rattlesnakes were spotted around the playground equipment,” that makes me feel very Texan. 

Despite an origin story that would suggest otherwise, I haven’t always felt Texan. I grew up in Menard, right on the edge of the Hill Country. My father was born on the second floor of Menard City Hall, and he raised me two blocks from that very location. My great-uncle, Nicholas Pierce, wrote The Free State of Menard 80 years ago, and it is still considered an important historical text in the area. 

Yes, I should have felt Texan, but I never owned a pair of cowboy boots, I tended to trip up doing the two-step at London Dance Hall, and I always knew that if I was ever to have a chance at fitting in, I would need to keep my opinions to myself. It is possible I would have fit into Ann Richards’ Texas, but I was born too late to ever know.  

Like so many misfit kids, I found belonging in a library. In the early 2000s, no figure at Menard High School loomed larger than the librarian, David Fondersmith. His towering height was matched only by the bushiness of his eyebrows. Anytime I finished an assignment early, I asked to go to the library where I was met with the deep, rumbling voice of Mr. Fondersmith, a dictionary opened to whatever word he was curious about that day, and shelves upon shelves lined with books I could not get enough of. There were Pulitzer Prize winners, bestsellers, and classics. I didn’t know Young Adult literature was a thing, but I was reading what Mr. Fondersmith provided, and it was a rich canon. I read books by Wallace Stegner, Richard Russo, Anne Tyler, Margaret Atwood. I crafted my first 20-page paper on Walt Whitman using Mr. Fondersmith’s collection to study the great poet who happened to be (gasp) gay. 

After high school, I left Texas, hoping that the beauty of Kentucky’s trees or the rolling hills of southern Oklahoma would fit me better. My husband was a minister, and I poured myself into building community in these foreign lands. What I found was the same cultural purity tests I’d failed all my life, but with lower quality barbecue and Mexican food.

So I returned to Texas—not because I expected to fit in, but because it is home. And through a circuitous career path, I found myself a librarian sitting at the circulation desk of a high school library in Abilene. I am my campus’s Mr. Fondersmith, only shorter and with less impressive eyebrows. Also, my collection pales in comparison to his. I can’t have many of the books I loved in high school. Modern collection development policies and state laws don’t allow for it. 

I entered this profession just as the storm clouds of the current book-banning push were starting to gather, but I enrolled in a librarian certification program hoping it would pass over me like lamb’s blood was painted on my doorframe. 

And for the first three years, wishful thinking worked. No challenges. Just me and my colleagues planning programming to get high schoolers reading, inviting authors to visit, and crafting displays for all the National months and weeks and days people don’t even know exist until they walk into a library. 

In late summer last year, I received a message from my fellow librarians. We’d all been watching the legislative session as Senate Bill 13, which regulates school library materials, made its way into law. We arranged to meet at a local coffee shop a few weeks before school would start to discuss the bill, strategize, gnash teeth, and gird our loins. The upcoming school year had officially become unchartered territory. 

There were so many things we didn’t anticipate because we simply didn’t understand the full implications of the law. A handful of words could change everything. For example, SB 13 made it mandatory for all districts to now accept book challenges from residents who had no children attending their schools. Before, best practice was to limit who could challenge books to the students, staff, and guardians of students within a district. Now, a person only needed a local address to issue challenges.  

SB 13 also neutered a librarian’s authority over their collection. I no longer determine what goes into my collection. I make recommendations, and a council of parents called a School Library Advisory Council (SLAC) decides whether or not to recommend approval of my list to the school board. Ultimately, the school board decides if a book will be in my collection. In many districts, AI is being used to assess the lists of books turned in by librarians. 

With this new law looming over high school libraries, it didn’t take long before Tammy Fogle, the leader of our local Moms for Liberty group, issued 27 book challenges. She had no children attending our schools, but SB 13 had opened the door for her. The broader group began showing up to our school board meetings, reading passages from our books. There was no nuance, no context; just scene after scene read with the assertion that only an evil person would expose a high school student to this paragraph, this sentence, this word. Outside of the meetings, their social media platforms became single-mindedly focused on the two large high school libraries in our district, one of which is my own. The comments called for mine and my colleague’s arrest while questioning our integrity and faith. Local news played along, posting salacious headlines for clicks and platforming the key book challenger. 

After two months of sitting through board meetings dominated by Moms for Liberty, the librarian at the other high school, Kate Stover, and I began inviting parents to come and voice their own perspectives, and a group formed who now attend regularly. They are grateful for the diversity of our collections, the opportunities their children are given for growth in their school libraries, and the effort our district has made to keep parents in control of their child’s individual access to books. Kate and I also speak monthly, taking back the narrative around our libraries. 

Meanwhile, our district’s SLAC processed the book challenges, making a concerted effort to read the books in full, have honest discussions about the content of the books, and make decisions that reflected the values of our community. A few books were ultimately taken off the shelf, but more books were kept, and a few were limited to only 11th and 12th grade students. Each 

member devoted dozens of hours of reading and meetings to the process, and our school board honored their service by upholding all of their recommendations. 

Just as I was ready to reshelve the challenged books, appeals were issued by the book challenger. Once again, our board upheld the choices of our SLAC. SB 13 requires that two years pass before a book can be rechallenged after an appeal fails. We all breathed a sigh of relief. For now. 

But this past week after failing to win her appeal, the challenger has filed a 15-page petition to the Texas Commissioner of Education Mike Morath asking he order the removal of the books our district voted to retain. Headlines began popping up in conservative Texas media lauding her efforts. In interviews, she seemed offended that people had organized and resisted her efforts. 

As I write this, spring break is a week away. When we return to school, the remainder of the year will spend itself in a flash of recitals, award ceremonies, and sentimental goodbyes, and just like that, the hardest year of my professional career will come to an end. School will be out for the summer. The rattlesnakes can have the abandoned playgrounds, at least for a little while. 

I don’t know how the story of this year in my library will end. Will the commissioner respect the choices that resulted from layers of local governance? An elected school board voted on members of a committee to vote on what books to retain for our students. Committee members spent hours upon hours reading these books and engaging in good-faith discussions about their

content. The elected school board upheld their decisions. Will our state government tread on their choices? 

And if the state chooses to overthrow our local choices, will we be silenced? It is widely known but nonetheless fun to share in small talk that most people are more afraid of public speaking than they are of death. Each time I stand up to speak at a school board meeting, my knees shake, my voice catches, and I feel certain that this will definitely, most certainly be the time I don’t survive public speaking. It isn’t that I’m more afraid of public speaking than death; it is that public speaking feels like it could cause my death. But I do it every month because I am a high school librarian in the state of Texas in times such as these. 

In fact, it is only now, at the age of 41 and after six months of concerted advocacy for my library, that I finally feel like a true Texan. Looking at the snake raised and ready to strike on the Gadsden flag never spoke to me when I saw it waving in the yards of my neighbors. Like the not-Texan-enough Texan I am, I’ve never owned a gun. But when we’re talking about the public schools where my children attend, where I manage the library with as much pride and care as the legendary Mr. Fondersmith, where the students I love and serve choose their next great read, I feel it. I feel my jaw clinch and my gut tighten and the words “Don’t Tread on Me” pulsing through my veins. 

I was told my whole life that being a Texan was about the clothes you wore, the music you listened to, and the party you voted for. I wish someone had told me in high school that Mr. Fondersmith, wearing his cardigans and with a worn book in hand, was as Texan as any cattle rancher. I wish I’d seen in him that no one cosplayed their way to being a Texan. Mr. Fondersmith embodied intellectual freedom, trusted his teenage students with the grittiest and richest of books, and infantilized no one. He was a badass librarian, and what could be more Texan than that? 

The post How a High School Librarian in Abilene Fought Back Against Moms for Liberty  appeared first on The Texas Observer.

American Citizenship and Other Myths

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In widely quoted speeches delivered over the past couple of years, JD Vance has made the claim that he is more American than you. (Well, unless you happen to be his cousin, or a very distant nephew of James Madison.)

“People whose ancestors fought in the Civil War have a hell of a lot more claim over America than the people who say they don’t belong,” he said during one of these addresses last July. In another, he described how his family had been buried in an eastern Kentucky cemetery since the 19th century, arguing that this particular ancestry is what undergirds patriotism: “That’s not just a set of principles. … That is a homeland. That is our homeland. People will not fight for abstractions, but they will fight for their home,” he said.

The vice president remains just a bit slippery in these lectures. Full context sometimes makes the snippets more alarming and sometimes less. In the first quote, for instance, he’s specifically claiming primacy for Americans of Civil War-era descent who also hold views that would cause the Anti-Defamation League to label them domestic extremists. (I’m serious; the transcript is online.) On the other hand, the cemetery quote was part of a sentimental riff about his proposal to his Indian-American wife. 

What’s clear, even if he doesn’t use the precise phrase, is that Vance is toying with an idea lately popular on the online right: the so-called heritage American. The idea, per its promulgators, is that a distinct national identity emerged in this country sometime between the early colonial period and the mid-19th century and that this identity, preserved through bloodlines, deserves special privilege today. In theory, this category can include some African Americans and Native Americans, but at least one far-right writer has conveniently doffed the mask, writing for The American Conservative: “Heritage American is more palatable to the public than ‘white.’”

IF CONSERVATIVES ARE GOING TO UNSETTLE WHAT IT MEANS TO BE AMERICAN, MAYBE IT’S BEST TO ACCEPT THE INVITATION.

If this idea sounds equal parts stupid and dangerous, you’ve understood it correctly. One can imagine a heritage-American future where jackbooted federal agents are pulling people over to demand their 23andMe results. The concept’s semi-prominence also owes to Vance, whose political career depends entirely on Donald Trump, whose paternal grandparents and mother were, of course, all immigrants. The very same Trump whose notion of Americanness is so profound that he advertises a “Gold Card” whereby $1 million, plus a $15,000 processing fee, buys you a glide path to citizenship.

Yet the idea also pulls on bloody threads that wind back to our country’s most formative ideological struggle. It is a rejection—which Vance explicitly affirms in his speeches—of the notion that America is principally “an idea,” or a nation formed by a shared creed. In other words, it’s a rejection of the dominant and long-standing interpretation of Lincoln, whom I’ll let speak for himself (with but minor abridgment):

“We have … among us perhaps half our people who are not descendants at all of these men [of the Founding era],” the then-Senate candidate said in July 1858. “If they look back through this history to trace their connection with those days by blood, they find they have none, they cannot carry themselves back into that glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are part of us, but when they look through that old Declaration of Independence they find that those old men say that ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,’ and then they feel that … it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of the flesh of the men who wrote that Declaration, and so they are.”

On the streets and in the courts more than a century and a half later, we’re seeing the dire consequences that come from attempts to curtail, contra Lincoln, who counts among the nation. The Supreme Court is set to rule this summer on Trump’s bid to deny Americanness to babies born of undocumented immigrants—through his January 2025 executive action titled “Protecting the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship”—which could upend the constitutional legacy of the Civil War’s outcome. Further, in internal guidance late last year, the administration called for an unprecedented increase in denaturalization, meaning the stripping away of citizenship already granted; the president has begun promoting the concept of “remigration,”  which is grounded in the idea that some racial or ethnic groups are unassimilable no matter their legal status; official government social media accounts have used white nationalist propaganda to attract recruits; and, in response to Minneapolis, we’ve seen the political right argue that the Constitution should not extend to citizens who use their rights to defend noncitizens targeted by the feds.

With the future of the GOP up for grabs in a few very-long years, far-right ideas like Vance’s that should be fringe can’t be safely ignored—especially if they hold a grain of truth. As dumb and deadly as the heritage American label is, it draws on something that the political left has long recognized as well: American citizenship as presently constructed is often unstable and arbitrary. It is incomplete, unsatisfactory, and even a lie. 

Citizenship: Notes on an American Myth by Daisy Hernández (Courtesy/publisher)

In a new book out this February, Citizenship: Notes on an American Myth, the author Daisy Hernández blends her own story as the daughter of a Cuban father and Colombian mother with a review of academic literature to unsettle the concept of citizenship in this country. Her critiques come decidedly from the identity-conscious left, and they’re expressed in a number of memorable, if somewhat obscurantist, lines. 

“I learned as a child that citizenship was a private story, one women told in the dark,” Hernández writes near the book’s beginning. “We are citizens of the stories we tell,” she concludes later on.

Hernández surveys the history of American citizenship, a term with roots in the English language dating back seven centuries, she writes, but whose meaning has always been mercurial. The 14th Amendment and subsequent jurisprudence might seem to have largely settled the question—those born on U.S. soil shall have that “right to have rights,” as Hannah Arendt put it—but Hernández’s view is more expansive. 

She discusses how queer Americans have long been essentially semi-citizens, denied “a robust social citizenship.” She also draws on Susan Sontag’s famous line about illness, that “Everyone who is born holds dual citizenship, in the kingdom of the well and in the kingdom of the sick.” And she walks us through the supercharged exclusion of the Trump era.


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As a reader, the book for me fell somewhere in between a memoir and an academic treatise, without the payoff of either. But, for another, it might be just the right invitation needed to complicate a notion that many consider self-explanatory. For some liberals who are responding to the right’s hard-nationalist turn, perhaps this book can push them beyond a blithe defense of the status quo circa Obama’s second term. If conservatives are going to unsettle what it means to be American, maybe it’s best to accept the invitation.  

The funny thing about Vance’s blood-and-soil patriotism is that he means to add depth to Americanness by grounding it in a few generations’ worth of human ancestors buried in a particular patch of dirt. But this is stunningly shallow. If you’re going to redefine this nation away from its Lincolnian ideals, why not start with something sturdier? Perhaps “America” is just the silly name we give to a sprawling expanse of sacred land that’s hosted many names bestowed by many peoples—a “real” American being someone who stewards that physical land and the nonhuman life that’s filled it since long before Vance’s oldest white American ancestor had a species to emerge within. Maybe an Indigenous Mexican immigrant has far more claim to this land than Vance’s Appalachian Scots-Irish, but maybe the rights of both should carry with them across imagined borders.

Rather than let our citizenship be honed to violence, in other words, perhaps we should expand it past its breaking point to create something new.

The post American Citizenship and Other Myths appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Prewar US intel assessment found intervention in Iran wasn’t likely to change leadership

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By MICHELLE L. PRICE and MARY CLARE JALONICK

WASHINGTON (AP) — A U.S. intelligence assessment completed shortly before the United States and Israel launched a war in Iran had determined that American military intervention was not likely to lead to regime change in the Islamic Republic, according to two people familiar with the finding.

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The National Intelligence Council’s assessment in February concluded that neither limited airstrikes nor a larger, prolonged military campaign would be likely to result in a new government taking over in Iran, even if the current leadership was killed, according to the two people, who spoke on condition of anonymity to describe the classified report.

The determination undercuts the administration’s assertion that it can complete its objectives in Iran relatively quickly, perhaps in a matter of weeks. The administration has asserted that it was not seeking regime change in Iran, even as President Donald Trump considers whom he would like to see lead the country.

The intelligence assessment concluded that no one powerful or unified opposition coalition was poised to take over in Iran if the leadership was killed, according to the people familiar with the report. It determined that Iran’s establishment would attempt to preserve continuity of power if Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was killed, the people said.

In line with the assessment’s findings, Iran’s leading clerics on Sunday chose a new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, to succeed his father, who was killed in the war’s opening salvo. The son is believed to hold views that are even more hardline than his father, and his selection is a strong sign of resistance from Iran’s leadership and an indication the government won’t step aside quickly.

A poster of Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, the successor to his late father Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as supreme leader is placed on an anti-riot police car as policemen stand on top of the car, during a rally to support him in Tehran, Iran, Monday, March 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

The details of the assessment were reported earlier by The Washington Post and The New York Times.

Trump and other top administration leaders have given different justifications for the strikes that began on Feb. 28, saying they were necessary to set back Iran’s nuclear weapons program or to preempt an Iranian ballistic missile attack. While Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has said the war is not aimed at regime change, Trump has said it’s something he wants to see.

A message seeking comment from the Office of the Director of National Intelligence was not immediately returned Monday. Director Tulsi Gabbard fired the council’s acting chairperson last year after the release of a declassified NIC memo that contradicted statements the Trump administration has used to justify deporting Venezuelan immigrants.

Trump, dating back to his first term, has been deeply skeptical of the U.S. intelligence community and has frequently dismissed its findings as politically motivated or part of a “deep state” effort to undermine his presidency.

Associated Press writers Aamer Madhani in Doral, Florida, and David Klepper in Washington contributed to this report.