Could Socialism Come to Texas?

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A few months back, Governor Greg Abbott wailed about the threats coming from “socialist cities like Austin, Houston, and Dallas.” Whether or not you share my excitement about the possibilities of a socialist Texas triangle, Abbott’s definition of socialism is about as absurd as it gets. But are most people’s definitions much better? 

From the right to the left, there’s plenty of confusion about socialism to go around. As democratic socialists continue to win office, not just in New York City but in Texas, it’s high time for more clarity about what socialism is.  

A new book, The Blueprint: How Socialism Can Work in the Real World, by Bhaskar Sunkara, Ben Burgis, and Mike Beggs—who are affiliated with the socialist magazine Jacobin, for which I host a podcast, is proof that the socialist movement in America is not just growing but growing up. The Blueprint lays out a vision for an achievable socialist future where firms are democratically controlled by workers, not by capitalists or the state. A strong social safety net ensures that losing your job is not a death sentence and high-quality education and healthcare abound. Home care work, often unappreciated and unpaid, is compensated. It’s a compelling vision.

This is no partisan screed. In fact, the authors are harsher on the Soviet Union than on Ludwig von Mises. If the quip often attributed to Oscar Wilde that “socialism takes up too many evenings” resonates with you, you’ll find much to like in The Blueprint. The book argues against a socialism of endless meetings. Instead, the authors suggest that “efficiency is a socialist virtue” and “is the key to liberating the most important resource of all: our time.” 

The Blueprint (Publisher)

It is a Tuesday morning, and you roll out of bed, still tired, but not like in the old days when you had only two days off. You head to your job making quality cowboy boots. Your democratically run firm has made a name for itself, reviving the old techniques and artisanship almost lost during the height of capitalist fast fashion. They’re a bit more expensive than your competitors’, but there is a good market for those who appreciate craftsmanship. Your workplace is a cooperative, where each worker has a vote and elects management, though that doesn’t mean you always get your way. You’ll still have a supervisor appointed by the company’s elected leadership, but unlike under capitalism, management doesn’t have all the power. Leadership still needs to be competitive and turn a profit, but it also needs to keep the company’s members happy. Decisions like how to implement new technology, and importantly, how to use productivity increases, are made with democratic input. New tech allowed your firm to make boots 30 percent faster. The firm can now choose how to balance the increased production and profits, with the potential to reduce hours across the firm. You’re happy with the decision, mostly more time off, with a slight increase in production to earn the firm more profit, and are excited to think about what you’ll buy when that extra profit comes back to you as a dividend. Under capitalism, benefits from improvements in labor-saving technology flow to the top, with reduced hours and job cuts so the boss can save on wages. But under democratic socialism, the benefits flow to the workers.  

One of the book’s early chapters takes on the problem of the USSR. While the Soviet Union expanded rapidly and excelled at producing heavy industrial goods, its consumer market was plagued by shortages, inefficiencies, and low-quality goods. Political pressure gave managers bad incentives, and they often “concealed their true production capacity to obtain better plan targets, overreported output to move up the ranks of the nomenklatura.” 

The vision in The Blueprint differs from what its critics might expect. They argue the Soviet Union wasn’t just undesirable politically; its economic failures were baked into the centrally planned system. Instead, the authors argue for market socialism, a system that combines markets and a large public sector—encouraging market activity where it produces good results like in producing commodities and limiting it where it provides undesirable results, such as housing and healthcare. While political terms like “free markets” have thoroughly associated markets with capitalism, markets existed long before capitalism. The authors argue that markets allow for a rational distribution of scarce goods, and a market can account for needs, opportunity costs, and preferences in a way that a centrally planned economy never could. Not only do markets provide much better information than even the most deliberative and intensive postcapitalist models, but they also free up people to do anything else. 

Is this even socialism? It is a fair question, as market socialism is different from what most people think of when they think of socialism. But The Blueprint is very much a socialist vision. Their market socialism abolishes the capitalist class. Capitalists no longer own the factories and the workplaces; the workers do. The public sector manages healthcare and education. Firms can fail, and workers can be fired, but a safety net prevents a life-defining disaster. 

At 432 pages, The Blueprint is a hearty doorstop of a book. The authors respond to left and right criticisms of their model in detail. They get into the tedium of how public bankers should be compensated, how to limit inflation with central bank policy, and how to have equity between long-term and newer members in a cooperative. It won’t convince the hardened ideologues, but these socialists are interested in the real world. This isn’t soapbox socialism.  

The Blueprint sketches out socialist society, not a path to one. As far as it advocates an immediate strategy, it is a democratic path to socialism. “Market Socialism Now” probably won’t make a protest sign near you soon, but it probably is the answer to many of the demands you will hear at that protest. That’s the point: This is socialism moving from protest to politics, from polemic to a road map of what to do in power. It is up to people to decide if this is a future worth working toward. 

It may feel overly ambitious to think about socialism as a real possibility in Texas, but we’ve been here before. Texas has deep connections with socialism and was once home to one of the largest socialist parties in the country. The Texas socialist newspaper, The Rebel, boasted a weekly distribution of over 22,000 a century ago (no small achievement then or now). These socialists set out to convince fellow Texans to weaken the power of capitalists and put more of the economy in the hands of worker-owned cooperatives. As one West Texas cotton farmer wrote in that socialist paper, “We must work together to help our brethren see the light. Give us Socialism and the religion of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.” 

Can socialism come to be in Texas? It’ll be a hard road. But if it does, believers will need to make a strong case. The Blueprint provides that. In the decades following the height of the Socialist Party, socialists lost their roots in the working class. The movement became dominated by highly educated Americans and, in turn, absorbed all kinds of class characteristics that limited its appeal. An attachment to the Soviet Union and the plans that failed turned socialism dogmatic and its appeal diminished. The socialism laid out in The Blueprint would be much more familiar to that West Texas farmer a century ago. It’s concerned with the world as it is, the people and the work that make it run. And it offers a much better plan than what we’ve seen before. Maybe we will see the light. 

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Revealed: GOP Group Behind Mysterious Trans Student Messages

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Following an order from a Travis County judge, the Republican Women’s Caucus (RWC) Fund and a man named John Braun have been identified as the names behind controversial text messages sent to Texans earlier this month purporting to offer resources to transgender students, confirming widespread speculation that the effort was a Republican political ploy. Some three million mailers containing similar information were also sent.

The revelation, first reported here, comes in the final days of a tight Senate race between Democrat James Talarico and Republican Ken Paxton, whose former impeachment lawyer, Chris Hilton, appeared in court on behalf of the Texas Transgender Student Union (TTSU), a Wyoming-based LLC that was anonymously registered in September and was reportedly behind the mailers that directed readers to the website of the Transgender Education Network of Texas (TENT), a real LGBTQ+ advocacy group that swiftly denied sending the messages or mailers. TTSU said in a court filing that the entity “is not going to engage in any further text or mail communications.”

On Tuesday, Travis County District Judge Jan Soifer ordered from the bench oral deposition of a representative of TTSU and denied the organization’s motion to dismiss. Soifer also ordered Infobip, a mass text-messaging company that sent the text messages on behalf of a client, to respond to written questions. Hilton, who represents both TTSU and Infobip’s client, argued that the push to reveal his client’s identity before the election is politically motivated and would cause harm. 

“They seek to inflict some of the same harms that they claim to be suffering,” Hilton said. “They seek to engage in electioneering.”

Infobip provided written answers in a court document signed on Wednesday—in which the name of its client is redacted. On Thursday, a TENT spokesperson told the Observer, the judge approved a motion to reveal that Infobip’s clients are the RWC Fund and someone named John Braun. A man named John Braun is currently a Washington state senator running for that state’s 3rd Congressional district seat; his congressional campaign lists as its treasurer Paul Kilgore, who is also the treasurer for RWC Fund as well as for two political action committees—the Senate Conservatives Fund and its super PAC Senate Conservatives Action—that have collectively spent nearly $140,000 to support Paxton’s campaign, which has denied involvement in the messages and mailers.

In response to an email sent to Braun’s congressional campaign, a representative said: “Must be a different John Braun. We have no idea what any of this is and have nothing to do with Texas politics.” The Texas Observer has requested comment from RWC Fund and will update this story with responses.

The RWC Fund was founded on March 14, 2025, by Kat Cammack, a Republican U.S. representative from Florida. It has only reported a little more than $168,000 in contributions through October 14, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

RWC Fund has previously sent out political emails under the sender name, “DOGE Team,” a reference to Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency, which slashed government programs including life-saving international aid. It does not report any contributions from Musk, who is currently Paxton’s largest financial backer and has repeatedly hammered Talarico on the issue of transgender rights.

Editor’s note: This story has been updated to include a statement from state Senator John Braun’s campaign and will be updated to include any further responses.

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‘I’m Feeling Some Trepidation’: Will Talarico Pull Off a Generational Upset over Paxton?

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Texas hasn’t sent a Democrat to the U.S. Senate since 1988, yet with Election Day closing in, the state is looking at the closest thing to a toss-up race in a generation. Some Republicans are wringing their hands as the early votes roll in, with a surge of likely Democratic voters outpacing likely Republicans, according to vote tracking. Candidates are making one last push to get their Texans to the polls.

Long roaming the political wilderness, Texas Dems are hopeful they’ve finally brought together the sort of broad coalition of voters, coupled with an ideally favorable environment, that they need to flip Texas—led by a strong, well-funded candidate in state Representative James Talarico, who has consistently led in the polls for Senate, against a divisive and damaged opponent in Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton. 

From July through September, Talarico hauled in a record-breaking $64 million, far outraising Paxton’s $18 million. But the off-and-on trillionaire Elon Musk has swooped in and dropped a titanic fortune of over $200 million to buoy Paxton and try to sink Talarico. Yet the Democratic golden boy’s polling numbers haven’t really budged. Several of the latest surveys show Talarico with around a 2-point lead. Of course, it’s still a dubious advantage that’s within the margin of error, but it’s nonetheless an advantage that a statewide Democratic candidate hasn’t had in over 30 years.

“This is the latest in the cycle that I can remember thinking our statewide [candidates] still had a chance to win,” Matt Angle, a longtime Texas Democratic strategist, told the Texas Observer. “Even in 2018, I thought it was going to get away from Beto [O’Rourke],” who famously ended up losing by just over 2 points. 

Early voting records show that over 5 million Texans have already cast a ballot with an unprecedented number of people who previously voted in Democratic primaries slightly leading the push. Even though Republicans tend to vote more heavily on Election Day, GOP strategist Brendan Steinhauser said the numbers are still concerning.

“I’m feeling some trepidation as a Republican,” Steinhauser told the Observer this week. “Democrats seem to be outpacing Republicans this week by a decent margin … but it could go either way.”

Talarico supporters at a campaign rally for the Democrat in Fort Bend County in October (Photo by Eden Shamy)

That sentiment was echoed by Derek Ryan, a GOP consultant who is the preeminent source of electoral turnout analysis in Texas. “This is actually new territory. I don’t think that I ever recall a point where voters with previous Democratic primary history have outnumbered voters with previous Republican primary history,” Ryan told the Texas Tribune. “In 2022 and 2024 at this point, even in those earlier days, Republican primary voters were making up larger shares.”

In the final stretch, Talarico—with a Friday Night Lights-inspired “Clear Eyes, Full Hearts” closing theme—and Paxton—with a “Come and Take It” theme that will end at the Alamo on Election Day—have embarked on dueling bus tours around the state to get out their base. Last week, they brought with them opposing visions of the Lone Star State and warnings of a dystopian future if they fail. At Talarico rallies, Musk’s influence over Paxton forewarned of a future where billionaire reign continues to crush the working class. At Paxton rallies, Republicans swore that a win for Democrats would bring about a communist-Islamist takeover of the nation.

Last Tuesday, on the second day of early voting, a gray-haired crowd lined up for the sixth stop of Paxton’s tour in suburban Conroe, north of Houston in the heart of the red bastion of Montgomery County. Janice Heneghan, a 65-year-old from Montgomery, told the Observer she wasn’t fearful about Talarico polling better than Paxton. “I’m kind of glad they’re saying that. That only gets people going, ‘Oh my gosh, I got to get out to vote!’” Henighan said she planned to cast her ballot after the mid-day rally.

A crowd of over 200 people sat around the picnic tables of the outdoor venue, The Table, eating tacos and drinking beer as country jams blasted through the speakers. They danced to the “Y.M.C.A.” before bowing their heads for the invocation.

“The Antichrist spirit is at work through progressive candidates like James Talarico. He’s at work through movements like communism and Islam,” said James Buntrock, executive director of a local Christian fundamentalist group called My God Votes. Then he prayed for God to speak through Paxton.

Paxton rally-goers dance to the “Y.M.C.A.” at a venue in Conroe. (Eden Shamy)

In addition to all of Paxton’s moral and ethical luggage, his campaign style has also laid bare the fact that he hasn’t really had to sell himself to a general election electorate that doesn’t know—nor particularly care—about the myriad right-wing obsessions the attorney general has built his career upon. Paxton has also hugged President Donald Trump—whose approval rating is sitting at just over 30 percent—like a security blanket as the president’s repeatedly come to Texas in an attempt to boost his chosen candidate (and simultaneously roast him).

“Texas Republicans have run a national campaign,” Angle said. “Talarico has done an extraordinary job of being the Texan in the race who has made himself available to independents and to fair-minded Republicans.”

Paxton took the stage in Conroe and delivered his trademark milquetoast address in which he casually read his lines off the teleprompter like it was the first time delivering his stump speech. He touted his record fighting the Joe Biden administration, suing Pfizer over the COVID-19 vaccine, and going after social media platforms that endanger children. “I secured more than a billion dollars from Meta,” Paxton said. “I also recently sued a few others: Netflix, TikTok, and Snapchat for letting our kids get taken advantage of online.”

The only major platform to evade Paxton’s ire was X, owned by Musk. In January, Democrats demanded that Paxton investigate Musk’s artificial intelligence agent on the platform, Grok, for creating pornographic imagery of women and children. Paxton never did.

Paxton at a campaign rally in Fort Bend County in October (Eden Shamy)

The Republican candidate also promoted his “Protecting the Texas Promise Plan,” a slapdash package of tax incentives aimed at easing voter discontent on affordability. According to the Texas Politics Project, the most important issues for Texas voters heading into the midterms are the cost of living, the economy, and corruption. Paxton’s plan would increase the child tax credit and offer deductions for medical bills, gym memberships, and first-time homebuyers. Paxton spent the second half of his speech attacking Talarico as a radical vegan with ridiculous interpretations of Christianity, like saying that God is non-binary. “I’m still looking for that in the Bible,” Paxton stuttered.

“I don’t know if it will be enough,” worried Steinhauser. “People are still just paying so much at the pump.”

The same routine played out that night at the Safari Texas Ranch in Fort Bend County, a booming suburban sprawl that, at one time a GOP stronghold, has grown increasingly blue over the past decade. Mike Engle, the CEO of a satellite manufacturer, stood in a line of a few hundred attendees outside the Safari Lodge. He thinks the predictions of a blue wave could be more of a small swell, if that. “Republicans don’t speak up, and I think they’re undercounted in the polls consistently,” Engle said. He already cast his ballot for Paxton, but he came to the rally to learn more. “I don’t know his policies or anything,” Engle said.

The businessman said Trump’s tariff wars have harmed his multinational company, but he still believes the specter of socialism poses a greater threat. Engle hopes that Musk’s massive donation can help Paxton, although it might have come too late. “Early voting is starting, and people are burned out on the ads,” Engle said. “Talarico spent his money early and planted a bunch of seeds.”

A Paxton supporter at one of his “Come and Take It” bus tour campaign rallies (Eden Shamy)

The next day, on Wednesday, Talarico hosted a flurry of events in the Houston area, part of his last statewide barnstorming after a two-week bout with the flu that sent right-wing conspiracists spiraling about his whereabouts.

In the afternoon, Talarico stopped by a house by Lindale Park to kick off a blockwalk. A small army of door-knockers gathered on the covered patio, many wearing bright blue shirts with “BlackTOP” emblazoned across the front. As part of the Texas Organizing Project (TOP), BlackTOP has operated some of the largest Black voter engagement programs in the state.

“What makes a difference is neighbors showing up at their neighbors’ doorstep talking about the stakes of this election,” Talarico said, thanking the canvassers as he stood on the patio steps flanked by Houston Congresswoman Sylvia Garcia and Houston Mayor John Whitmire.

Ever since defeating Congresswoman Jasmine Crockett in the primary, Talarico’s ability to turn out Black voters has been a topic of fierce debate—one that he’s tried to address with repeated outreach efforts, as well as a pledge to earmark $25 million of his campaign budget specifically for Black voter outreach. TOP, an organizing powerhouse primarily made up of Black and Latino members, endorsed Talarico after he won the primary. The boots on the ground that the group provides could be a key factor in boosting turnout in blue cities like Houston, Dallas, and San Antonio. 

TOP Executive Director Brianna Brown believes Talarico has been “putting in work” to address Black voters’ concerns. “He is figuring out how to speak directly to the needs and concerns of Black folks, and he’s had to make up some ground,” Brown said. “One of the ways that you show political love is that you spend money.”

Congresswoman Sylvia Garcia with canvassers at a Texas Organizing Project block-walking launch in Houston (Eden Shamy)

After kicking off the TOP canvass, Talarico went across town to the Texas Gulf Coast Area Labor Federation, where union workers of all trades packed into the headquarters and lined the stage with signs that read “Workers vs. Billionaires.” Speakers took the podium to call out trillionaire Musk for trying to buy the Senate seat.

“Are you ready to tell the billionaires this country belongs to the people who do the work?” Brian Bryant, president of  the International Association of Machinists (IAM) labor union, shouted from the podium. “Yes!” the crowd roared back.

Bryant has been leading a nationwide electoral campaign to mobilize union workers in several competitive states. He and AFL-CIO President Liz Shuler flew down from Washington, D.C., to rally the rank and file in Texas.

“How many times have we been told that Texas was out of reach? How many times have people said it’s impossible?” Shuler asked the crowd. “Well, that’s the exact same thing people tell us on our picket lines. And then we go out and show the world what’s possible.”

Shuler shouted out Taylor Rehmet, a Democrat who serves as president of his IAM local and the state chapter,  who successfully flipped Texas Senate District 9 in Tarrant County, and is in a rematch bid in November. The district previously went to Trump by 17 points. Shuler and other labor leaders have pointed to Rehmet as an indicator of what’s possible with a strong working-class message. Even in an anti-union state like Texas where the density of unionized workers is relatively anemic, Shuler says mobilizing the labor vote could be decisive.

“I was here in Houston a week and a half ago knocking doors,” Shuler told the Observer. “The program has really been firing on all cylinders here in Texas. Our hope is that we can make that extra 1- or 2-point margin that can tip the race.”

At the union rally, Talarico promised to support the PRO Act—a top union priority to reform federal labor laws—and take on the billionaire class in Washington. He compared the Senate race to the tale of David and Goliath. “David wasn’t as big or as strong as Goliath,” Talarico said. “But he had hope, he had faith, and he had a slingshot. Organized labor, you are my slingshot!”

Talarico speaks at a labor union election rally in Houston in late October (Eden Shamy)

Talarico capped off the night at the Safari Texas Ranch in Fort Bend—the same venue as Paxton’s the night before, albeit in a much larger room with an estimated attendance of 1,300 people.

In line, retiree Frank Schine told the Observer he’s been following Talarico’s campaign around the state. He said he admires the Democrat’s moral fortitude and feels confident the energy is different this year. “It’s amazing how they can even campaign against him,” Schine said. “I think he’s going to take it.”

Lone Star flags and “Take Back Texas” signs filled the Infinity Ballroom. Talarico’s inspired speech—laden with references to the 2000s-era small-town Texas drama Friday Night Lights—wove together the struggles of everyday people from around the state. A grandmother in Houston facing eviction. A little boy in Abilene awakened by the lights of a data center at night. A small business owner in Port Arthur facing bankruptcy. Together, they assembled the underdog team Talarico is channeling in the last stretch of the race.

“This is the last play of the last drive,” Talarico said. “This is the moment we leave it all on the field.”

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