Cuba’s Government Is in Trump’s Crosshairs, but Political Dissidents Find No Refuge Here

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In 2021, tired of what she said was years of persecution in Latin American countries after being forced out of her home country of Cuba, Maria Luisa Arango Presibal and her husband Nilo Gibert Arencibia decided to come to Florida. They passed through Central America and Mexico, then crossed the border near Del Rio, where they surrendered to Border Patrol agents and requested asylum. They were released and made their way to Miami.

Arango said she was forced to flee Cuba because she marched with las Damas de Blanco, a protest group started by the loved ones of dissidents who have been detained or disappeared by that country’s authoritarian government. The organization is widely known even beyond the island nation; in 2020, a group of U.S. senators, including the Cuban Americans Ted Cruz and current Secretary of State Marco Rubio, introduced a resolution honoring the group and its opposition to Cuba’s communist government.

“For nearly two decades, ‘las Damas de Blanco’ have bravely marched through the streets of Cuba wearing all white to protest the injustices their loved ones have endured,” Cruz said at the time. “In the face of oppression, these women are a beacon of light for freedom-loving Cubans.”

Meanwhile, Cuba’s communist government has become a target of the second Trump administration’s regime change campaign. President Trump himself has publicly mulled invading the island and has imposed harsh sanctions, contributing to the country’s current economic and social crisis. Earlier this year, his Justice Department charged Raul Castro, Cuba’s former president and brother of longtime U.S. bogeyman Fidel Castro, in the shooting down of an exile group’s airplane. The indictment against Castro makes note of how “Cubans fled to the United States through the Florida Straits, risking their lives, and many times resulting in the death of those migrants in those waters on their journey to freedom,” as a result of government oppression. Meanwhile, the asylum denial rate for Cubans so far in fiscal year 2026—the first full fiscal year under Trump—is 78 percent, according to the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse.


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Today, Arango is back in Texas, a prisoner at the El Valle Detention Facility in Raymondville. In October, when she and Gibert showed up to a mandatory check in with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in Syracuse, New York, where they’d moved after Florida, they were detained.

Cubans once received special treatment from U.S. immigration officials, but Arango is fighting for protection at a time when her compatriots have seen their privileges steadily erode under successive presidents and Trump has all but cut off access to asylum across the board.

“What we have now is an administration that is giving deportation orders to a lot of people that could face persecution in Cuba,” said María José Espinosa, the executive director of the Center for Democracy in the Americas. “All of them are at risk of being returned to harm.”

Despite fleeing an ideological enemy of the Trump administration and being a member of a group praised by at least two of the president’s allies, Arango was ordered deported by an immigration judge earlier this year. The judge never assessed whether Arango would face persecution in Cuba; he simply ruled that she had not provided a sufficient accounting of the time she spent in other countries before she reached the United States and hadn’t paid a recently implemented annual fee for asylum-seekers. She’s appealing.

“If we return, we’ll be in danger,” Arango said in Spanish during a phone interview from the Raymondville detention center. “We’ll be a target.”

Arango said she joined protest movements in 2013, advocating for the release of political prisoners. Though she doesn’t currently have a family member who’s a political prisoner, Arango’s attorney identified her as a member of Las Damas de Blanco, which translates to the Ladies in White, because of the garb they wear at demonstrations. Arango’s attorney provided the Observer pictures of her in the all-white uniform marching and being detained at a demonstration. The following year, she was severely injured during a knife attack at a gathering for an opposition political figure. The incident received international media attention. In 2015, according to newsclippings, her husband was beaten by police at a demonstration. Beatings and arrests were common, Arango said. One year, she said, she spent eight months in detention after she and other dissidents handed out toys to children on Three Kings Day.

Arango in white in Cuba (Courtesy/attorney)

One day, she said, an officer from the state security forces showed up at their house. “He told my husband that this order comes from above: “He has to leave the country, because if he doesn’t he’ll face the consequences,” Arango said.

They fled to Trinidad and Tobago, another Caribbean nation. They lived there in the country for four years, but they never received asylum, she said. They faced discrimination because they were Cuban. They couldn’t work and feared for their safety because of Trinidad and Tobago’s unstable security situation. Twice, Gibert was accosted by women he believed worked for the Cuban government, Arango said. After four years, they took a boat to Venezuela, made the dangerous journey north through Central America, crossed into Mexico—where Arango said they were detained and robbed by security forces—and finally entered the United States. After making their asylum request to Border Patrol agents, they were released and ordered to check in regularly with ICE, a common practice under the Biden administration and prior. 

As the United States’ longest-standing foe in the Americas, and because anti-communist Cuban exiles have been a vocal voting bloc, Cuba’s citizens have long enjoyed privileges here. The Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 gave a path to citizenship for Cubans admitted into the States under parole, a temporary status immigration officials have discretion to offer. Under former President Bill Clinton, the federal government began what became known as the “wet foot, dry foot” policy, returning to Cuba immigrants found at sea and granting parole to those who made it to United States shores or showed up at the border. 

In the final years of the Obama administration, South Texas saw a flood of Cuban immigrants trying to enter the country before the end of  the “wet-foot/dry-foot” policy in 2017, part of the administration’s last-minute efforts to normalize relations with Cuba. Since then, it has been no longer customary for Cubans to automatically receive parole when they show up in the United States. Former President Joe Biden launched a new parole program for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans, an effort to slow the post-COVID migration of people from destabilized Latin American countries by having them apply from abroad rather than show up at the border, but Trump halted that program shortly after returning to office, leaving about 100,000 Cubans in the States vulnerable to deportation, Espinosa said. 

Espinosa’s organization estimates there are more than 600,000 Cubans here who don’t have a viable pathway to citizenship. As the parole-to-citizenship pathway has largely closed, the number of Cubans instead seeking asylum has spiked—but court statistics show their chances of success are slim.

Arango and Gibert’s cases, begun in 2021, dragged on for years, so in October they were caught up in the Trump administration’s practice of detaining previously released asylum-seekers when they go to their check-ins. Arango said she was first taken to a detention center in Louisiana, then to Texas.

“For 13 days I couldn’t eat or sleep, because they locked me up in a prison with bars, and I had all those memories of Cuba when they tortured me, when they beat me,” she said.

Gibert was also sent to a detention center in Louisiana, then to Mississippi. In detention, their immigration court cases were sped up. On January 6, an immigration judge granted ICE’s request to dismiss Gibert’s asylum case and deport him to Ecuador, said Diana Albite, a Florida attorney representing Arango and Gibert. This is part of Trump’s practice of sending deportees to “third countries,” where they may have no connections whatsoever, sometimes without assessing their eligibility for asylum.

Two days later, another immigration judge granted ICE’s request to dismiss Arango’s case, Albite said. The judge ruled that Arango had failed to pay a $102 annual assessment and hadn’t listed the exact dates she’d spent in each country through which she passed on her way to the United States. “I have never heard this before in my life,” Albite told the Observer.

In a statement, ICE said Arango and Gibert will remain in custody until their appeals are resolved.

Gibert (front-left) and Arango (far back) (Courtesy/attorney)

Arango’s case was dismissed under a complicated attack on the asylum process: Last year, the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) gave immigration judges wide latitude to dismiss asylum claims if they deem the initial application incomplete. Since that decision, some immigration judges have been dismissing asylum claims for omissions on their applications that in the past had been considered inconsequential, said Robin Nice, a Massachusetts attorney who sits on the American Immigration Lawyers Association’s asylum committee. Last year’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” permitted immigration courts to charge an annual fee for each year an asylum case is pending, but Nice said the courts have been inconsistent about how people are notified and how much time they have to pay. The administration is “signalling to the judges who want to screw over immigrants that it’s OK,” Nice said.

Though the Cuban Adjustment Act remains technically in place, immigrants who entered without visas are finding it almost impossible to get parole status. And since Trump banned Cubans from entering the U.S. on visas, their decades of privileged status are now a thing of the past. 

The United States is conducting deportation flights to Cuba, but the island’s government has refused to accept some deportees. If Cuba refuses to accept Arango, she could be sent to another country. Between January 2025 and March 2026, the federal government deported 13,000 people who are not citizens of Mexico to that country, including more than 4,000 Cubans—more than any other nationality—according to a recent report from Human Rights Watch. In Mexico, “the almost complete absence of government support means that many find themselves without access to shelter or food, and vulnerable to high levels of violence,” the report states.

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The ‘Houston Miracle’ Shell Game

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When Aubrie was a freshman in the Houston Independent School District (ISD), she was assigned to an Algebra I class. On the first day of school, her teacher recognized her talent and moved her into pre-AP Algebra I, where she thrived.

Two years later, at the beginning of the last school year, Aubrie was excited to take pre-AP Algebra II. She had always loved math and imagined a bright future in science. But three weeks into the school year, she and nearly 2,000 other juniors across Houston ISD’s 16 New Education System (NES) high schools were abruptly pulled out of Algebra II and placed into a remedial math course called Algebraic Reasoning/Texas College Bridge.

This move was not made to help students grow academically. Instead, we believe students were moved into this less rigorous course to artificially inflate campus accountability ratings, at the expense of student learning. Just sitting through the Algebraic Reasoning course and clicking through the online modules increases a school’s A-F rating, even if students never pass the state’s college readiness assessment attached to the class. It’s a loophole that state-appointed Superintendent Mike Miles is exploiting at an unprecedented scale.

Records obtained from the Houston ISD along with publicly available data from the Texas Education Agency (TEA) reveal that the district’s state-appointed Superintendent Mike Miles shunted about half of all juniors at NES high schools into this course. At some schools, as many as 70 percent of juniors were similarly demoted into less challenging classes.

NES high schools are all located in under-resourced, predominantly Black and Latino neighborhoods, which have borne the brunt of the state’s destructive takeover policies. By comparison, less than 5 percent of all juniors at non-NES high schools in more affluent communities, including Debakey, Carnegie Vanguard, Challenge, HAIS, Heights, HSPVA, and Lamar, were placed in this remedial course.

A “bridge” course may make sense for struggling seniors. For juniors who are only halfway through high school, it can stop a student’s academic trajectory in its tracks.

After being moved into Algebraic Reasoning, Aubrie asked her counselor to move her back into Algebra II. “If pre-AP was full,” she said, “I’ll take any Algebra II class; just get me out of this remedial class. I already know fractions, decimals, and percents.” 

She just wanted to take Algebra II. Most students in the United States take Algebra II or a more advanced math course by their junior year. 

The counselor said her hands were tied. Miles’ policy required all NES juniors who were not certain to earn the college, career, and military-readiness (CCMR) credit used in school accountability ratings to be removed from Algebra II. 

After weeks of pleading, Aubrie’s mother and community advocates got involved. Eventually, a state senator offered to intervene. Only then was Aubrie allowed into Algebra II.

To understand why Miles pushed so many juniors into Algebraic Reasoning, it helps to look at how the state calculates campus CCMR scores, which are a key component of high school accountability ratings. 

Students typically earn CCMR credit by passing an AP exam, finishing dual-credit courses. completing an industry certification, or by passing the Texas Success Initiative Assessment exam or its equivalent.

However, there is an alternative, less rigorous way for schools to earn these credits: Texas College Bridge, an online program designed primarily for seniors who need additional support before college.  

If a student completes the Texas College Bridge online course, the school is awarded CCMR credit–even if students don’t pass the Texas Success Initiative exam at the end of the course. In effect, Texas College Bridge is a loophole that allows schools to boost accountability ratings without increasing student readiness. 

Houston ISD’s Algebraic Reasoning class uses Texas College Bridge despite research overwhelmingly showing it does little to prepare students for college. In November 2025, Rice University’s Kinder Institute for Urban Research concluded that these courses are not strong predictors of college success and may give students a false sense of college readiness. 

Another study by Good Reason Houston found that when students enrolled in these courses, their chances of completing a college degree declined.

Recognizing the glaring problems, TEA recently decided to phase out Texas College Bridge as a CCMR pathway after this year. Yet Miles still chose to exploit this loophole while it existed; it was his last opportunity to boost the district’s accountability ratings in this way. 

Because Aubrie’s school served low-income students like her, Miles treated her as a disposable widget in a way that would never have been accepted at a middle-class or affluent school. 

Fortunately, Aubrie was able to return to Algebra II. But most students do not have a parent advocate, a community organizer, and a state senator fighting for them. Thousands of other Houston students were not given that chance. They now will have to wait until their senior year to take Algebra II, if they take it at all. 

The problem goes beyond replacing Algebra II with the more remedial Algebraic Reasoning. At least four NES high schools—Furr, North Forest, Sharpstown, and Wisdom—eliminated AP Calculus and AP Statistics after the state takeover. Students at those schools lost proven pathways to college success.

The Texas College Bridge shell game was not an isolated incident. Texas Monthly reported last year that Miles cut 8th-grade Algebra I enrollment by more than half at 10 NES middle schools, eliminating the course at five of them. Hundreds of high-achieving students were instead placed into on-level math, artificially boosting scores on the 8th-grade STAAR math test. This happened despite overwhelming evidence that taking Algebra I in 8th grade is a key predictor of attending and graduating from college. 

Reporting by the Houston Chronicle uncovered a district-wide scheme to delay biology from 9th to 10th grade at NES high schools except for students taking Pre-AP biology. Testing only higher-performing students created the appearance of dramatic gains while avoiding a fair comparison to prior years, when nearly all freshmen were tested on biology. Meanwhile, thousands of NES 9th-graders were diverted into a remedial science course with no STAAR exam, delaying their path to advanced science courses. 

Some were the same students who would later lose access to Algebra II as juniors. Aubrie’s school was not an NES campus during her freshman year, but other NES students lost access to Biology as freshmen and then to Algebra II as juniors. That creates a compounding loss of opportunity that could shut the door on STEM careers for thousands of Houston students.

Miles repeatedly claims that the transformation of Houston ISD that has occurred under his leadership represents “the largest overall growth in reading and math in Texas history.

But his actions tell another story of lowered expectations, delayed coursework, and reduced opportunity for thousands of Houston students, especially in Black and Latino communities. That is the real legacy of this takeover. So much for Miles’ “Houston Miracle.” 

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University of Houston Nixed Its Gender and Sexuality Classes. That Won’t Stop Texas’ Crusade Against Higher Ed 

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The sexual assault of children. The catcalling and income discrimination your sister faces. The struggles your granddad has connecting emotionally. These are topics explored in gender and sexuality studies classes. 

But following Florida, universities in the Lone Star State, including the University of North Texas, Texas A&M, Texas Tech, University of Texas, and now the University of Houston (UH), where I have taught in the Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Program for a decade, are eliminating such classroom spaces.

Starting this month, according to a surprise July 7 memo, UH will remove Introduction to Women’s Studies and Introduction to LGBT Studies as courses that students may elect to take to fulfill Texas’ “language, culture, philosophy” requirement. That means they will no longer be options in the 42-credit state-mandated core curriculum for a four-year degree, with categories ranging from communication, history, life and physical science, and creative arts. All told, UH is set to remove roughly 100 courses, including Introduction to Global Climate Change and Black Liberation Theology.

At UH, the introductory courses in gender and sexuality are popular: 700 students enroll each semester, with business, education, pre-med, psychology, and other majors represented. Students, for example, might learn that some interpretations of the Bible (the word “homosexuality” first entered the collection of ancient texts we call the Bible in 1946) find no conflict with some women marrying another woman and some men marrying another man. Along with all classes, these courses provide a breadth of foundational knowledge and prepare students to engage civically, professionally, and personally.  

An important value of being in the core is that it gives students a kind of permission to embrace curiosity and explore various subjects. Removing important classes sends a message that studying such is inappropriate. And if introductory gender and sexuality classes no longer count toward graduation requirements, enrollment will plummet. The reason UH is making this change isn’t because the classes fail to provide meaningful education. It’s because UH has overinterpreted current law, as have other universities across Texas. 

Institutions especially point to Senate Bill 37. Enacted in 2025, the law prohibits faculty senates, creates a state-level office where people can file complaints if they believe a university has violated state law, and shifts control of the curriculum from educators to the university’s board of regents. Regents at public universities in Texas are appointed by the governor, currently Republican Greg Abbott, for their economic and political clout. They are not educators. Because draft versions of SB 37 included language that would have prohibited conversations about sex and race and because it’s anticipated that lawmakers will resurrect such restrictions in the coming session, administrators hope that anticipatory obedience will satisfy a Texas Legislature that is often hostile toward education.

This all flies against what our state celebrates: small government and personal freedom. We say that people should be able to form their own opinions. This right to form one’s own opinion should extend to a student’s opinion that studying gender and sexuality, variables that impact everyone, is worth their investment. And while some are quick to judge the younger generations as being coddled and sensitive, these same people want to censor conversations about gender and sexuality. 

Testimonial data supports that gender and sexuality studies courses are impactful. On an anonymous evaluation for my Introduction to LGBT Studies class an enrollee shared, “Students felt safe sharing their identities, experiences, and perspectives. The course offered a strong foundation in LGBTQ history, theory, and contemporary issues. … Overall, the class created a space that was intellectually engaging, socially aware, and personally meaningful.”

Gracie Rivera, who is now a UH alumni in graduate school studying library science, wrote to me sharing: “As a Latina woman, Introduction to Women’s Studies, Introduction to LGBT Studies, and Intersectionalities and Disability Studies gave me the confidence to advocate for myself—including successfully negotiating a $4 per hour raise at work and helping close my gender pay gap.”

After teaching 73 class sections of Introduction to Women’s Studies and Introduction to LGBT Studies, I can attest that they are life changing for students and professors alike. Until recently when some politicians started targeting transgender people and ignoring the complexities of biology, these classroom spaces weren’t controversial. These classes encourage students to be who they want to be, whether that’s having children, modifying their body with tattoos, or striving to be the first woman president.

Andrew Joseph Pegoda, Ph.D. teaches at the University of Houston and is a member of the university’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors. This op-ed reflects Pegoda’s ideas as a private individual.

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American Skater

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Between May 2025 and March of this year, I photographed Robinson Gonzalez, a Venezuelan professional skateboarder in his mid-twenties.

Three years before I started this work, Gonzalez crossed the Darién Gap, having left his family behind. He was later granted entry into the United States as an asylum-seeker. Back in 2018, during anti-government protests in Caracas, an explosive device had nearly severed his left hand. His political involvement had made his home country unsafe for him. 

After settling in San Antonio in October 2024, he got sponsored by an American skate brand, found work as a food delivery driver, and taught skateboarding to local youth.

Most of these photographs depict him alone, as he struggled to build a life in a new country without a support network. The images depict the emotional cost of migration: missed birthdays, funerals, and everyday moments with loved ones left behind. Routine tasks became major challenges, from healthcare to banking, from finding housing to seeking police help when his car was stolen more than once.

As immigration discourse is increasingly distorted by enforcement and fear, this project focuses on the quiet fight for stability, dignity, and belonging. These 11 months of Gonzalez’s life are a microcosm of the immigrant experience—of resilience in the face of a contradictory system that welcomes your labor but not your full presence. 

(Top) Last June, Gonzalez shows videos from his journey to the United States. (Bottom-left and -right) Gonzalez on one of his daily calls to his mother and siblings in Venezuela

(Top left) Gonzalez makes another DoorDash delivery. (Bottom left) Gonzalez skating at Lady Bird Johnson Park in San Antonio, then driving back home from skating in Pearsall (Top center) Last November, Gonzalez has just moved into a San Antonio apartment previously occupied by two immigrants from Mexico and Honduras who were deported. (Top-right) Gonzalez flicks leaves from a flower. (Bottom-right) Gonzalez teaches skateboarding to local kids.

(Left) Gonzalez skates at Hays Bridge Skate Park in San Antonio. (Right) Gonzalez makes a DoorDash delivery downtown. (Bottom) Gonzalez takes a break from skating in Pearsall.

In late May, Gonzalez was stopped for a traffic violation and booked into jail, where he is subject to an ICE hold. He plans to fight to stay in the country; I have started a GoFundMe to help with his legal costs.

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