Quick Fix: Beef Tenderloin with Cranberry Mustard Sauce and Green Beans with Rice

posted in: All news | 0

By Linda Gassenheimer, Tribune News Service

Cranberries, brown sugar, orange juice, and a touch of mustard come together to create a quick, mouthwatering sauce for beef tenderloin slices. This dish is perfect for the season or any time you want a special meal.

Related Articles


Fish cakes and Birmingham greens were a hit at the Harlem EatUp! festival


Dining Diary: Some favorite immigrant-owned restaurants


5 simple dinners to ease back into cooking in the new year


Ten Minnesota chefs and restaurants named 2026 James Beard semifinalists


Recipes: These grain-based dishes are great for your diet and budget

The beef is sliced into tender 1-inch pieces, a lean cut that cooks in just minutes. Any leftover cranberries freeze beautifully, so you can stash extras for delicious use over the coming months. Fresh green beans and microwaveable brown rice complete the meal.

Helpful Hints:

–Boneless, skinless chicken breast can be substituted for the beef.

–Granulated sugar can be used instead of brown sugar.

Countdown:

Assemble all ingredients.

Start beef.

While beef cooks, microwave green beans and rice.

Finish cooking beef and make sauce.

Shopping List:

To buy: 3/4 pound grass fed beef tenderloin, 1 small bottle orange juice,1 container brown sugar, 1 jar Dijon mustard, 1 container fresh cranberries, 1 bunch parsley (optional garnish), 1 bag fresh green beans, 1 can olive oil spray, 1 container microwaveable brown rice.

Staples: olive oil, salt and black peppercorns

Beef Tenderloin with Cranberry Mustard Sauce with Green Beans and Rice

Recipe by Linda Gassenheimer

3/4 pound grass fed beef tenderloin
Olive oil spray
Salt and freshly ground black pepper
1/2 cup orange juice
1 tablespoon brown sugar
1 tablespoon Dijon mustard
1/2 cup fresh cranberries
2 tablespoons parsley leaves (optional garnish)

Remove visible fat from beef and cut into 1-inch slices. Flatten the slices to about 1/2-inch with the bottom of a skillet or a meat bat. Heat a skillet over medium-high heat and spray with olive oil spray. Brown beef slices for 3 minutes, turn and salt and pepper cooked side. Brown second side 2 minutes and remove to a plate. A meat thermometer should read 135-140 degrees for medium rare. Add orange juice into skillet; scrape up any brown bits. Add brown sugar, mustard and cranberries. Stir to dissolve sugar; simmer 2 to 3 minutes. The cranberries will burst (pop). Mash them with a spoon and stir to make a smooth sauce. Boil 4 to 5 minutes to thicken sauce. Divide the beef into two portions and place on two dinner plates. Spoon the sauce on top. Add salt and pepper to taste.

Yield 2 servings.

Per serving: 324 calories (36 percent from fat), 13.1 g fat (4.8 g saturated, 5.6 g monounsaturated), 84 mg cholesterol, 36.5 g protein, 17.2 g carbohydrates, 1.4 g fiber, 193 mg sodium.

Green Beans and Rice

Recipe by Linda Gassenheimer

4 cups green beans
1 package microwaveable brown rice to make 1 1/2-cups cooked rice
2 teaspoons olive oil
Salt and freshly ground black pepper to taste

Add beans to a microwaveable bowl and microwave on high for 2 minutes. Remove and make rice according to package instructions. Measure 1 1/2-cups. Reserve any remaining rice for another meal. Add rice to the bowl with the beans. Add olive oil and salt and pepper to taste. Mix well. Divide in half and serve on the plates with the beef.

Yield 2 servings.

Per serving: 288 calories (20 percent from fat), 6.4 g fat (1.1 g saturated, 2.7 g monounsaturated), no cholesterol, 7.8 g protein, 52.7 g carbohydrates, 7.8 g fiber, 18 mg sodium.

©2025 Tribune Content Agency, LLC

Trump’s Plan for Venezuelan Oil Raises Prospects of Paramilitary Violence

posted in: All news | 0

This article originally appeared on Inside Climate News, a nonprofit, non-partisan news organization that covers climate, energy, and the environment. Sign up for their newsletter here.

Editor’s Note: This story illuminates potential push factors that could influence future immigration at the Texas border.

There is a sense of deja vu in the jungles of South America to the Trump Administration’s calls for private security contractors to protect the entrance of U.S. oil companies to Venezuela. 

Countries in the region have experienced paramilitary violence that has played out repeatedly when private, foreign-backed militias vie for dominance in the lawless countryside. Sometimes they’re paid to protect bananas or cattle or any commodity for consumers in wealthy nations.  

Oil companies commonly use security contractors around the world to protect vulnerable infrastructure like pipelines. But Venezuela presents a unique tinderbox of conditions: from the recent removal, prosecution and imprisonment of its president by U.S. special forces, to the oil riches that lie beneath it and the layered patchwork of armed groups that control the ungoverned nation. 

“Private security agencies operating in that kind of environment will behave much the way that they behave in war zones,” said Phil Gunson, a Caracas-based senior analyst with the International Crisis Group. “They will shoot first and ask questions afterwards.”

Residents in Venezuela’s neighbor, Colombia, have almost endless tales to tell about the human rights abuses of private security groups that have protected oil companies and other interests from rural insurgencies during decades of conflict. Contractors protect indefensible pipelines. Rebels sabotage pipelines. Contractors root out perpetrators through brutal inquisitions of local communities that often have come to resemble war. 

Venezuela already ranks near the bottom of virtually every public safety index, Gunson said. The only thing preventing its slide into civil war, as Colombia did in the 20th century, is a quasi-feudal system of criminal franchises that tie the country’s hierarchy of armed groups to the central government in Caracas. Although Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro now sits in a U.S. jail, his ruling regime remains in Caracas as the keystone of this precarious arrangement. 

If the regime falls, “the prospects for violent chaos—protracted, low-intensity warfare—are quite high,” Gunson said. “Its a nightmare scenario to me.”

Trump wants U.S. oil companies to rebuild the oil production infrastructure in Venezuela, which sits atop the largest proven oil reserves in the world. U.S. officials have signaled intent to work with the Venezuelan government following Maduro’s removal, and Caracas appears willing to cooperate, notwithstanding the anti-imperialist zeal of the party’s late founder, Hugo Chavez.  

U.S. oil companies initially met Trump’s call for a revitalization of Venezuela with muted skepticism. Exxon CEO Darren Woods called Venezuela “uninvestible,” given the magnitude of the task in a prohibitive security environment. Last week, CNN reported that the Trump Administration, wary of using U.S. troops, issued a request for information from private security contractors to support operations in Venezuela. 

After Maduro’s capture, the U.S. installed his vice president and former oil minister, Delcy Rodriguez, as the nation’s leader. But it remains unclear if her regime can maintain control over the country’s armed groups, called colectivos, while also working with the U.S.

“Surely a faction of the colectivos, sooner or later, will rise up against the government,” said Ronal Rodriguez, spokesperson for the Observatory on Venezuela at Rosario University in Bogota, Colombia. “Their loyalty to Delcy Rodriquez is uncertain because obviously many of the interests of these groups clash with the interests of the United States.”

Colectivos have rebelled against the government before, he said, and not all of them are fully government-aligned. This structure dates back to the 2000s, when Chavez faced disloyalty from the Venezuelan military and began arming civic organizations to defend his movement. Later, Rodriguez said, the government granted territorial franchises to the collectives where they ruled crudely in cooperation with local governors, mayors and even priests. 

Furthermore, a Marxist insurgent group from Colombia called the National Liberation Army or ELN holds vast territory in southwestern Venezuela by invitation from the government in Caracas, which was unable to secure the territory itself from a feud between criminal organizations. All this has created a situation where many private security contractors already operate throughout the country, protecting the interests of wealthy businesses or individuals. 

“Colombia, sadly, is a country that provides many of those contractors,” Rodriguez said. 

In Colombia, decades of fighting have produced a plethora of armed organizations with shifting identities and allegiances, from communist guerrillas, drug cartels and insurgent farmers to private militias and paramilitary death squads. Parties drew funding from the drug trade as well as U.S. military assistance. 

Colombia is the top recipient of U.S. military aid in Latin America. The funding from all sources has left the area awash with weapons and in experience in both insurgent and anti-insurgent warfare.   

“There’s a great recruiting ground in that region,” said Jennifer Holmes, a researcher who has studied paramilitary violence in Colombia and is now a dean at the University of Texas at Dallas. “You’ve got a lot of guns for hire.”

Paramilitaries, like other armed groups, typically start with purely political or professional motivations, Holmes said.

But personal conflicts, anger, resentment and greed can quickly take over. Feuds develop. The domineering strength of security groups opens up lucrative opportunities in illicit economies. 

“You can get paid to protect, but there’s a great side income that can rapidly become better than your day job. There’s lots of temptations,” said Holmes.

Oil companies play one small part in this story, which stretches back at least a century to the private militias that protected the lands and interests of banana plantations and cattle ranches. Many business interests have funded paramilitary violence since. 

It’s the money in oil, Colombia’s top legal export, that enables oil companies to employ security details so prolifically. (The annual export value of blackmarket cocaine is estimated to exceed oil.) 

In southwestern Colombia, indigenous organizers last year told Inside Climate News how armed groups prevented communities from speaking out about environmental destruction caused by Canadian oil companies drilling on their land. 

“If you talk, they will kill you,” said an indigenous elder, Matias Redri, in an interview in October.

In Venezuela, the potential for an oil industry reboot remains in doubt. Hundreds of millions of dollars of investment will be required to rebuild the infrastructure to exploit its fossil wealth, and it isn’t clear that oil majors are up to the task. 

If their security details do sweep into the oilfields of Venezuela, they could just be a few more among the county’s already vibrant landscape of scrappy militant organizations. However, with powerful foreign backers, these new groups may carry exceptionally large guns.

If they are positioned to dominate, the temptations of power could be close at mind without any government to stand in the way. 

“It’s a lawless society. There is widespread impunity,” said Gunson, the analyst in Caracas. “With guns and impunity it’s only a short step to crime.”

The post Trump’s Plan for Venezuelan Oil Raises Prospects of Paramilitary Violence appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Florida deregulated nursing schools. Scam colleges and failing students followed

posted in: All news | 0

Alarmed by a growing shortage of nurses, Florida lawmakers in 2009 eased regulations on the schools tasked with training them, inviting new institutions to enter the market.

The results were swift: Within five years, the number of Florida nursing programs more than doubled. But many were for-profit institutions that churned out students whose pricey degrees left them ill-prepared to enter the field.

Among the newcomers was Ideal Professional Institute, a suburban Miami school that in the next decade produced more than 2,300 graduates. Just 13% of those graduates passed the national exam for registered nurses on their initial attempt, however, an abysmal rate for a test that nearly 90% of first-time test-takers nationwide master.

Within six years of its opening, the state’s Board of Nursing voted to shut down Ideal’s registered nurse program, but allowed it to remain open for years longer while it fought the decision.

Then in September, an Ideal administrator was accused of selling fake degrees, part of a yearslong FBI investigation dubbed “Operation Nightingale,” which led to federal charges against more than a dozen Florida nursing school operators. The scandal put an uncomfortable national spotlight on the Sunshine State’s nursing schools.

While Ideal’s record is jaw-dropping, in many ways the school exemplifies the type of nursing program that proliferated in Florida after the 2009 change. In sharp contrast to established programs, such as those at Seminole State College and Florida Atlantic University, these new programs often charged students tens of thousands of dollars in tuition and graduated would-be nurses who couldn’t pass the exam required to enter the profession.

As a result, Florida’s nursing education system is now among the lowest-performing in the nation, as measured by exam passage rates. In part because of that dismal performance, the state still projects a need for 60,000 more nurses by 2035. And patients are left with spotty assurances that the nurses they encounter in hospitals or homes are properly trained.

So far, state leaders have failed to tackle the problem.  Florida’s lawmakers passed legislation last year to modestly tighten oversight of nursing schools, but Gov. Ron DeSantis vetoed it. The Legislature will try again this year.

“We have got to do something about our nursing programs here in Florida,” said state Sen. Gayle Harrell, R-Stuart, who has sponsored legislation to address the issue, during a committee meeting in November.

Prior to 2009, the Florida Board of Nursing set the rules about how schools gained approval to train future nurses in Florida.

But lawmakers were frustrated with a mounting need for new nurses and a limited number of seats in existing nursing schools.

They also argued the nursing board’s rules were too restrictive and sometimes trivial. Applying schools, they said, could be turned away if their walls were painted the wrong color.

So legislators took much of the decision-making power away from the board. The state’s Department of Health warned the result could be “inadequately trained” nursing school graduates, according to a Senate staff analysis of the legislation provided to lawmakers, but they voted unanimously to pass it.

The goal was to quickly get new nursing programs up and running, and it worked. Within 18 months, more than 60 new nursing schools were approved. Since then, the number of nursing programs ballooned from about 180 to more than 500. The number of annual graduates has skyrocketed, too, from roughly 11,000 to 25,000.

The board judges would-be schools based on criteria like faculty credentials and clinical experiences for students. But it’s not hard to get the board’s stamp of approval, and most of the schools accused of fraud by the FBI obtained it shortly after the new law was passed.

“I don’t recall a program being denied,” said Joe Baker Jr., who served as executive director of the nursing board from 2010 until his retirement in 2024.

Once a new school opens, the board’s oversight authority is minimal and the process of closing a poor-performing school can take years, even if its students struggle to pass the national Nurse Council Licensure Exam, or NCLEX, needed to work in the field.

“Once they turn in the application and say they’re going to do this and they get approved, the only person that looks over them is themselves,” said Christine Mueller, now the board’s vice chair, at an August meeting.

The law created “unintended consequences,” admitted Denise Grimsley, a former nurse and lawmaker who sponsored the 2009 bill.

Problems with the new schools cropped up quickly.

“There were some programs that were charging exorbitant amounts of money and some of the graduates weren’t able to pass the NCLEX exam,” said Grimsley, a Republican from Sebring who served in both the House and Senate.

Florida’s NCLEX passing rate is now among the worst in the country. That rate dropped to below 70% in some recent years, compared to a national average of 80% or more. It rose in 2024 to 85% but there were fewer test takers from for-profit schools as scrutiny of them has increased, and it still trailed the national rate of 91%.

 

Roughly 57% of would-be registered nurses who attended for-profit colleges like Ideal passed the exam on the first try during the past five years, compared with 86% of their peers from public schools, according to a report published last year by the Florida Center for Nursing.

The current law for holding schools accountable is “insufficient,” said Rep. Toby Overdorf, R-Palm City, during a committee meeting in March where he pushed for changes to the 2009 law.  “Not only does it fail to address our nursing shortage, it leaves students who are unable to pass the NCLEX exam with high student loan debt and no ability to earn income.”

In response to early problems, the Legislature passed another law in 2014 requiring new nursing schools to become accredited within five years, meaning they needed approval from an outside agency that judges school quality.

But schools that fail to gain that outside approval can remain open for years after getting extensions.

Under the 2009 law, schools also can be put on probation, or face closure, if their exam passage rates are persistently more than 10 percentage points below the national average. Nearly two dozen programs for would-be registered nurses are currently on probation.

Ideal, the struggling school in Miami, failed to get accredited but didn’t shut down right away, though the nursing board voted in 2019 to close it.

Federal prosecutors would later report that an Ideal administrator began selling fake diplomas in 2018 in a scheme that lasted until 2022.

The nursing board’s key power is to prevent students from taking the NCLEX if members decide their school has failed to meet the state’s nursing education requirements. Most nursing school graduates are routinely approved to take the test — but some get stopped.

That enforcement-at-the-end process means students could be thwarted from a nursing career after paying thousands of dollars for a nursing education that was state approved. The process often plays out in great detail at the nursing board’s bimonthly public meetings, where students can appeal a decision to block them from the exam.

Nurses listen to the proceedings during a meeting of the Florida Board of Nursing in Maitland, Dec. 5, 2025. The Florida House approved a bill on Thursday that would strengthen the board’s oversight of nursing schools. (Joe Burbank/Orlando Sentinel)

Last month, the board barred a student from taking the NCLEX who’d studied at Sunlight Healthcare Academy in Longwood, a for-profit school that is on probation and has NCLEX passing rates below 50%. The school is tucked away on the second floor of an aging commercial complex on State Road 434, with little signage.

Board members questioned the transcript Sunlight provided, saying it failed to note when classes were taken and to document if the student had clocked the required clinical hours.

Mueller even pulled up the school’s website on her laptop during the meeting and said it looked “really bad.”

“There’s no catalog online that I could find,” Mueller said. “There’s nothing I could compare this transcript to.”

Sunlight’s registered nursing program was approved by the state board in 2019 and remains in business.

Executive director Fleurette Sunjic declined to comment on the nursing board’s recent refusal to allow a Sunlight graduate to take the NCLEX but said the school’s programs are designed to meet state requirements.

“Our efforts are focused on strengthening program quality, enhancing compliance processes, and improving student preparedness,” she wrote. “These initiatives are reflected in Sunlight Healthcare Academy’s improved 2025 NCLEX pass rates, and we remain committed to sustaining this positive trajectory.”

State records, which reflect school passage rates through September, show three Sunlight graduates took the exam for registered nurses in 2025 and all of them passed.

 

Sunlight Healthcare Academy in Longwood is on the Board of Nursing’s probation list. Graduates of the private school passed the professional exam for nurses at a rate well below Florida’s average in 2024, state records show (Annie Martin/Orlando Sentinel)

A year earlier, a graduate of Brilliant Academy Health Center in Orlando, where tuition and fees run nearly $27,000, was also told she could not take the NCLEX. Her nursing classes were taught online, in violation of state rules, and she did not complete enough clinical hours with real patients rather than simulation dummies, the board decided.

During the discussion, board member Jose D. Castillo III decried the “unsatisfactory performance of some of these schools of nursing” the board approved in prior years.

Blocking nursing graduates from taking the test is a way to prevent poorly educated students from becoming licensed nurses, he said.

“We are the gatekeepers for this profession, so the public, your parents, my parents, my kids, my grandparents, my relatives are safe. That’s our role,” Castillo added.

The board approved Brilliant’s registered nursing program in 2018. It is also on probation but still advertising for students, with a large sign facing a busy stretch of Conway Road near Orlando International Airport. Administrators for Brilliant, a for-profit school, did not respond to an email and phone call seeking comment.

The nursing board’s members are appointed by the governor, and all of the current members are licensed nurses.

All nine members who sat on the 13-member board while much of the FBI investigation became public either declined requests for interviews from the Orlando Sentinel or did not respond to phone calls and emails from a reporter. Board staff members also did not respond to emailed questions from the Sentinel.

But board members’ comments during public meetings over the past three years — as the FBI investigation made national headlines – suggest many of them believe the group needs more power to hold nursing schools accountable.

“If we could have been checking on these schools, I feel like we could have prevented some of this, possibly,” said Deborah Becker during a 2024 meeting.  “We could have had our thumb on the pulse of what was going on. I have experience with other boards of nursing outside of this state, and they have the authority to look at the schools, monitor the schools yearly, have visits.”

Jessica Nijem, Chief of Health Care Practitioner Regulation for the Florida Department of Health, left, confers with Florida Board of Nursing chair Dr. Deborah Becker during a meeting of the board in Maitland, Dec. 5, 2025. “If we could have been checking on these schools, I feel like we could have prevented some of this, possibly,” Becker said in a meeting a year earlier. (Joe Burbank/Orlando Sentinel)

Current law says the board may conduct on-site evaluations of new schools seeking state approval. The department has not typically visited schools after opening because state law does not explicitly allow such visits, Baker said.

Federal investigators laid bare how the state’s lack of scrutiny of its nursing programs attracted bad actors when in early 2023 they announced charges against the operators of three south Florida programs.

Those school administrators were accused of selling more than 7,000 phony degrees to students for $10,000 to $20,000 each. The investigation was dubbed Operation Nightingale in a nod to Florence Nightingale, the founder of modern nursing.

“When we talk about a nurse’s education and credentials, shortcut is not a word we want to use,” then-U.S. Attorney Markenzy Lapointe said during a press conference in January 2023. “When we take an injured son or daughter to a hospital emergency room, we do not expect, really cannot imagine, that the licensed practical nurse or registered nurse treating our child took a short cut around the educational licensing requirements.”

United States Attorney Markenzy Lapointe speaks to the media about a network of nursing school operators, centered in South Florida, who allowed students to buy diplomas without the proper training, during a press conference at the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of Florida in Downtown Miami, Florida, on Wednesday, Jan. 25, 2023. Representatives from FBI Miami and Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General (HHS-OIG), Miami Regional Office are shown standing behind him. (D.A. Varela/Miami Herald/TNS)

He said about 30% of the people who bought fake diplomas passed the NCLEX, perhaps because they had some previous medical training, and some ended up employed in healthcare facilities across the country.

“Not only is this a public safety issue, it actually tarnishes the reputation of the nurses who did the hard clinical and coursework required to get licenses and jobs,” Lapointe said.

The investigation later expanded and now more than 30 people, working for the dozen Florida schools, have been charged.

Most of the campuses selling fake diplomas were in South Florida, though the leaders of two in Central Florida –  Med-Life Institute in Kissimmee and Wheatland Institute in Orlando – were charged, too.

In November, former Ideal administrator Joel Lubin pleaded guilty to selling fraudulent diplomas to students and raking in more than $7 million. Some people with those fake diplomas later found work as nurses, his plea deal noted.

While some students of the schools at the center of Operation Nightingale may have realized they were purchasing diplomas they didn’t earn, others seem to have pursued their degrees honestly.

Lechell Bailey found Ideal after an online search for nursing programs and called the state’s nursing board to confirm it was legitimate. Yes, she was told. The board approved it in 2013.

Related Articles


Trump administration halts use of human fetal tissue in NIH-funded research


What to know about FDA’s review of new Zyn advertising proposal


Guinea-Bissau suspends Trump-backed hepatitis B vaccine study for ethical review


States race to launch rural health transformation plans


States go their own way as RFK Jr. shifts federal vaccine policy

But more than five years after Bailey started classes at the now-closed school, paying a total of $15,000 in tuition to obtain her degree, she’s no closer to becoming a nurse.

She failed the NCLEX in 2024 and now, because of the criminal charges against Lubin, the board won’t let Bailey try again to pass the test. Though her diploma was not flagged as one that was bought, board members don’t think the school provided her and other graduates with a proper education and don’t think Ideal graduates should be seeing patients.

“I 100% don’t blame you,” Mueller told her at the board’s Dec. 3 meeting.  “I blame the school.”

Board members acknowledge students from Ideal and other Operation Nightingale schools took the test and obtained licenses before the FBI operation became public. But now that they know what happened, Mueller added, “we are looking at this from a patient’s perspective” and acting in the public’s interest.

In Bailey’s view, the state has let her and other would-be nurses down.

“They’re letting us go to school and then when we’re finished, they find problems,” Bailey said. “But it’s their job to make sure the schools are legit.”

Florida lawmakers now will try for a third consecutive year to bolster the nursing board’s oversight, hoping to protect future students like Bailey and boost nursing school quality.

A pair of proposals introduced for the legislative session that starts Jan. 13 focuses on preventing bad schools from opening and weeding them out when they do. Both bills, for example, would allow Department of Health employees to conduct nursing school site visits at any time.

The House version also requires programs with NCLEX passage rates of less than 30% to refund the tuition of any student who fails to pass the exam, while the Senate version requires the Board of Nursing to deny applications from schools that have been revoked or put on probation in other states.

Baker, the nursing board’s former executive director, said if lawmakers had not stripped much of the power from the nursing board in 2009, the Operation Nightingale scandal and the proliferation of low-performing schools might have been prevented.

“If the board doesn’t have sufficient oversight authority, we’re not going to end up with properly educated nurses who can pass the NCLEX and join the workforce where they are so desperately needed,” he said.

While the 2026 bills would not restore the sweeping authority the nursing board wielded before, they would help ensure students are getting the education they need, Baker said.

“That legislation is a step in the right direction,” he said.

But the governor could be an obstacle again.

When DeSantis vetoed last year’s bill, one similar to the one under consideration in the House this year, he wrote in a veto message that he feared it would “undermine the progress that has been made to bolster the state’s nursing workforce.”

“These policies will deter programs from accepting students, encourage them to focus on test preparation rather than training students to work in healthcare, and will hinder the state’s ability to recruit and maintain nursing programs and directors in the first place,” DeSantis wrote.

Bob Harris, an attorney who spoke on behalf of the Florida Association of Independent Nursing Schools during several committee meetings in 2025, also opposed the legislation. His organization represents private schools that produce more than half of Florida’s nurses, and some of those schools would close if the bill passed, he said.

“If you are in support of fewer nurses in the state of Florida, then vote for this bill, because that will be the impact,” Harris told lawmakers in March.

The institutions Harris represents largely serve nontraditional students who are older than the typical college-goer, he said, and many juggle their schoolwork with family responsibilities and jobs.

Because Florida’s public programs are so selective – the University of Central Florida’s nursing school routinely rejects qualified applicants every year – they enroll only strong performers, buoying their NCLEX passage rates, Harris noted.

The private schools that are less choosy have lower NCLEX rates, he said, but also provide an important avenue to help more students launch nursing careers.

But several professional organizations say the proposed laws, and more oversight of Florida’s nursing schools, are needed.

Predatory school operators have realized that a lot of people want to be nurses and since 2009 have been “lying in wait” for students turned away from high-performing schools,  said Willa Hill, the executive director for the Florida Nurses Association. “So many people want to become nurses, it’s a cash cow.”

But the schools that recruit those students do them and the state a disservice, she said.

“You’re not solving the nursing shortage if people can’t pass the test,” Hill said, “and you don’t want them working if you can’t pass the test.”

anmartin@orlandosentinel.com

Immigrants often don’t open the door to ICE, but that may no longer stop officers

posted in: All news | 0

By JULIE WATSON and AMY TAXIN, Associated Press

SAN DIEGO (AP) — Since coming to the United States 30 years ago from Mexico, Fernando Perez said U.S. immigration officers have stopped by his home numerous times, but he has never once answered the door.

“There are rules and I know them,” said Perez, speaking in a mix of English and Spanish in a Home Depot parking lot where he has routinely sought work as a day laborer from contractors and people renovating their homes.

Over the decades it has become common knowledge in immigrant communities across the country to not open the door for federal immigration officers unless they show a warrant signed by a judge. The Supreme Court has long held that the Constitution’s Fourth Amendment against unreasonable search and seizure prohibits the government’s forced entry into someone’s home.

Teyana Gibson Brown, center left, wife of Garrison Gibson, reacts after federal immigration officers arrested Garrison Gibson, Sunday, Jan. 11, 2026, in Minneapolis. (AP Photo/John Locher)

As a result, immigration officers have been forced to adapt by making arrests in public, which often requires long hours of surveillance outside homes as they wait to nab someone walking to the street.

But an internal Immigration and Customs Enforcement memo obtained by The Associated Press states immigration officers can forcibly enter people’s homes without a judge’s warrant, marking a dramatic shift that could upend the legal advice given to immigrants for decades.

The shift comes as President Donald Trump’s administration dramatically expands immigration arrests nationwide under a mass deportation campaign that is already reshaping enforcement tactics in cities such as Minneapolis.

Perez said officers in the past would knock, wait and then move on.

“But if they are going to start coming into my home, where I am paying the rent — they are not paying the rent — that’s the last straw,” he said.

Most immigration arrests have been carried out under administrative warrants, documents issued by immigration authorities that authorize an arrest. Traditionally they do not permit officers to enter private spaces without consent. Only warrants signed by independent judges have carried that authority.

It is unclear how broadly the memo’s directive has been applied in immigration enforcement operations. AP witnessed ICE officers ramming through the front door of a Liberian man’s home in Minneapolis on Jan. 11 with only an administrative warrant, wearing heavy tactical gear and with their rifles drawn.

Democratic U.S. Sen. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut is demanding congressional hearings on the ICE memo and calling on Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem for an explanation.

“Every American should be terrified by this secret ICE policy authorizing its agents to kick down your door and storm into your home,” Blumenthal said in a news release.

Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens wrote for the court in 1980 that the “physical entry of the home is the chief evil against which the wording of the Fourth Amendment is directed.”

A sign reads “ICE OUT” and informs people of their rights outside a barbershop on Tuesday, October, 28, 2025 in Chicago. (AP Photo/Elliot Spagat)

The waiting game

For years, people have managed to evade arrest by skipping work and outings for days until agents move on. A senior ICE official once likened the surveillance experience to watching paint dry.

In July, the AP observed as immigration officers saw a Russian man enter his home in Irvine, California. They gave up when he didn’t leave after three hours. They waited longer for a Mexican man who never emerged from his house in nearby El Monte, though they caught up with him two days later at a convenience store.

ICE has tried what the agency called “knock and talks” to get people to answer the door by casually asking residents to step outside to answer a few questions, according to a 2020 lawsuit in which a federal judge found the practice illegal. In one case, they told a woman they were probation officers looking for her brother.

More often, immigration officers simply play the waiting game — a pace that is not conducive to Trump fulfilling his promise of mass deportations.

Not answering the door is a key part of know-your-rights trainings

Since shortly after ICE was created in 2003, advocacy groups and immigrant-friendly state and local governments have diligently spread the word that people should not open their doors for immigration officers unless they can show a warrant signed by a judge.

They’ve held know-your-rights trainings for communities, passed out flyers and posted videos on social media to teach immigrants how to protect themselves.

Ahilan Arulanantham, co-faculty director of the UCLA Law School’s Center for Immigration Law and Policy who has held such trainings, called the memo “quite disturbing.”

“Know-your-rights trainings have included that information for decades and even people who are only minimally aware of their rights learn that because it’s sort of the first and foundational elements of Fourth Amendment law,” he said. “They know to ask officers to slide the warrant under the door so they can see if it was signed by a judge or is an administrative warrant.”

In the predominantly Latino city of Santa Ana, where ICE agents were seen roaming the streets in recent days, several residents who did not want to give their names said they were well aware of that right. Jesus Delgado, a father of three, said the local elementary school sent out information to parents about what to do if ICE comes to your door.

“They send us bulletins, to not answer the door, to not answer any questions,” he said.

Another man said he learned that from TikTok.

Trump’s border czar Tom Homan has been highly critical of groups providing the information.

“They call it ‘know-your-rights,’” he said last year on CNN. “I call it ‘how to escape arrest.’”

Experts warn barging into homes could put all at risk

The memo says immigration officers can forcibly enter homes and arrest immigrants using solely a warrant signed by an immigration official if they have a final order of removal.

Related Articles


Luigi Mangione is due in court as judge weighs legality of police seizing his backpack


Today in History: January 23, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame inducts first members


TikTok finalizes deal to form new American version of the app


FAA is making the rules imposed after an airliner collided with an Army helicopter permanent


NASA and families of fallen astronauts mark 40th anniversary of space shuttle Challenger accident

Officers must first knock on the door and share who they are and why they’re at the residence, and they can only go into the home after 6 a.m. and before 10 p.m. The people inside must be given a “reasonable chance to act lawfully.” But if that doesn’t work, the memo says, they can use force to go in.

Law enforcement and legal experts warn if more immigration officers barge into homes, everyone could be put at greater risk.

With stand-your-ground laws, people in many states have the right to shoot intruders, which could lead to officers being shot, or agents opening fire on someone coming at them with a baseball bat or other item they grab in the heat of a moment, Arulanantham said. ICE records often contain wrong addresses, which could further lead to confrontations and agents busting into homes of U.S. citizens.

Arulanantham said agents’ aggressive tactics have been building since the Supreme Court lifted a lower court’s order in September that barred federal agents in the Los Angeles area from indiscriminately stopping people because of their race, language, job or location.

“This would just be another step down that path,” he said. “Obviously it will be more significant because it suggests you’re not safe even in your own house.”

Associated Press writers Elliot Spagat in San Diego and Rebecca Santana in Washington contributed to this report. Taxin reported from Santa Ana, Calif.