70 Years After Mansfield’s Desegregation Crisis, a New Debate Over Representation

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Seventy years ago, Black students in Mansfield went to federal court for the right to attend their own public schools. On August 30, 1956, their effort to enroll at Mansfield High School was met by an angry white mob and three effigies hanging at the school’s doors, even after a federal appeals court ordered Mansfield ISD to desegregate. Governor Allan Shivers defied the federal order by sending Texas Rangers to Mansfield and authorizing the school board to transfer Black students into nearby Fort Worth. Mansfield Independent School District (ISD) would not fully integrate until 1965.

The Texas Observer covered that crisis as it unfolded. In its September 12, 1956, issue, the Observer contrasted Mansfield’s resistance with more than 100 Texas school districts that had begun integration efforts without similar violence. At this year’s 70th anniversary commemoration, Mansfield Historical Society President Thomas Leach acknowledged that the city had ignored the episode for decades because people had been afraid to confront it. Remembering that history matters precisely because difficult questions do not disappear when communities avoid them.

This anniversary arrives as Mansfield ISD, a nearly 36,000-student school district based in southeast Tarrant County and extending into Johnson County, again confronts a question about representation. On August 25, its school board trustees voted 4-3 on a resolution to begin exploring and engaging the community around moving to a single-member district election system. Every voter currently participates in every trustee race. Under a mixed system, most trustees would be elected from defined geographic districts while a smaller number would continue to be elected districtwide.

Mansfield ISD should move to a mixed system. Not because geographic districts guarantee Black or Hispanic representation, or any particular political outcome. They do not. The case is structural: A school district this geographically, economically and racially diverse should not allow the same districtwide majority to choose all seven trustees. A mixed system of geographic and at-large seats would distribute political power while preserving districtwide representation.

The debate is bigger than the City of Mansfield and even Mansfield ISD. At-large school board elections remain common across Texas, and their appeal is easy to understand: every trustee represents everyone, and every voter gets a say in every race. But at-large systems also have a long history as tools of vote dilution. Jim Crow was not only about keeping Black citizens from voting. In Texas, Mexican American voters also faced poll taxes, exclusionary primary systems and other barriers to political participation. Governments also developed ways to let minority citizens vote while making their votes less likely to produce representation. At-large elections and multi-member districts were among those tools.

For decades, Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act provided a way to challenge systems that diluted minority voting strength. Texas school districts offer clear examples. Grand Prairie ISD moved from seven at-large seats to five single-member districts and two at-large seats after a Voting Rights Act lawsuit filed in 2013 and settled the following year. Richardson ISD settled a similar lawsuit in 2019 and adopted the same 5-2 structure. In Spring Branch ISD, a federal judge ruled in 2025 that the district’s at-large system violated Section 2 and ultimately ordered seven single-member districts. The district appealed, and the case became entangled with the Supreme Court’s reconsideration of Section 2 in Louisiana v. Callais.

None of those cases proves Mansfield’s current system is unlawful. Student demographics are not voter demographics, and diversity alone does not establish a Voting Rights Act violation. Mansfield should not need a lawsuit, however, before asking whether the structure itself still serves the public well.

That legal path became much narrower after Callais. In April 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court held that Section 2 vote-dilution claims require circumstances supporting a strong inference of intentional racial discrimination, while revising the framework courts have used for decades to evaluate those claims. Section 2 still exists, but challenges to at-large systems now face a substantially more difficult legal landscape.

Texas law already gives school boards another path. Mansfield ISD can voluntarily create single-member districts or a mixed system in which at least 70 percent of trustees are elected geographically. A mixed system is the better fit for Mansfield because it would add guaranteed geographic representation while preserving some districtwide seats. Why now? Because waiting is also a choice. The status quo is not neutral, and familiarity is not the same as fairness. The board has put the issue on the table, the legal landscape has shifted, and Mansfield ISD is marking 70 years since a defining fight over access to its public institutions. The district has an opportunity to make a difficult structural decision before crisis, litigation or a future political majority makes the decision for it.

Mansfield is also a very different community than it was in 1956. Mansfield ISD is not synonymous with the City of Mansfield. The district covers more than 94 square miles, compared with about 37 square miles for the city itself, and serves Mansfield along with portions of Arlington, Grand Prairie, Burleson, Fort Worth, Venus, Alvarado and Kennedale. Black students are the district’s largest racial group at about 34 percent, followed by Hispanic students at about 27 percent. More than 85 languages other than English are spoken across its schools. In 2025, Benita Reed became the first Black woman to lead the Mansfield ISD board as president. This year, trustees selected Tiffanie Spencer, a Mansfield High School graduate, as the district’s first Black superintendent.

Those milestones matter. They also expose the weakness in treating representation only as a question of race. Mansfield has racial representation on its board today. But representation is also about geography, income, lived experience, neighborhood, profession and the different communities that make up a large school district. A board can be racially diverse and still be elected through a structure that makes it harder for candidates without money, name recognition or a districtwide political network to compete.

That is why campaign access matters. Running districtwide takes money and the ability to reach voters across the entire school system. Geographic districts would not eliminate money from politics, but they would lower the practical barriers to running. A parent, neighborhood advocate or community leader should not need a districtwide political operation simply to have a realistic shot at serving.

Geography matters for the same reason. Under an at-large system, every trustee can live in the same general part of the district. Geographic districts guarantee that defined portions of the district have a trustee who actually lives within them. A 2025 Texas Tribune and ProPublica investigation found that trustees in rapidly diversifying Texas districts with at-large elections were more likely to live in areas that were whiter than the district overall. Richardson ISD’s board became more geographically and racially diverse after it changed systems.

The case is not that geographic districts produce a preferred racial or political outcome. They cannot promise that, and they should not. The case is that they distribute electoral power geographically, so one coalition cannot sweep every seat simply by winning the same districtwide electorate seven times.

Supporters of at-large elections make a fair point: every voter now gets a say in every trustee race, and trustees should govern for the whole district. But electing a trustee from a geographic district does not relieve that trustee of responsibility for every student and every campus. It changes who elects the trustee, not the board’s duty to govern Mansfield ISD as one district.

There are legitimate process concerns too. Maps can be manipulated. Trustees can become too focused on their own neighborhoods. The public deserves the survey and methodology being cited, the committee’s recommendations, proposed maps and a clear explanation of how current trustees would transition into a new system. Those concerns should shape the reform, not end the conversation.

Unity does not require unanimity. Black and Hispanic voters are not monoliths. Neither are conservatives, liberals, parents, homeowners, renters, neighborhoods or cities. Mansfield ISD would still have one board, one superintendent and one responsibility to every student. A healthy governing structure should make room for those differences.

Representation achieved is not representation guaranteed. Political majorities change. Turnout changes. Money changes elections. The question is not whether Mansfield’s current system can produce good leaders. It can. The question is whether it is the best structure for the Mansfield ISD of the next 70 years.

In 1956, Black families in Mansfield had to go to federal court simply to demand access to their public schools. In 2026, Mansfield ISD has an opportunity to make a different kind of choice: to share political power more broadly before a court, a crisis or a future political majority forces the issue. That protects the future for everyone.

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Houston’s Historic Black Theater at 50

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On a sizzling Friday night in late May, Houstonians from all over the city flock to the Ensemble Theatre’s lobby. Under fluorescent lights, they greet one another before the show starts. The sound of various generations fills the lobby—a couple with season tickets, a group of millennials enjoying a girls’ night out, lovebirds on a date. 

Once the curtains rise at the city’s oldest Black theater, the noise from the audience quiets as the soulful “In a Sentimental Mood” by Duke Ellington swells. The two leads of Who All Over There?, a spin on the classic Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner that explores interracial relationships, saunter onstage inside the set of an art museum. 

For the past 50 years, the Ensemble Theatre has brought Houstonians together to laugh, cry, and talk back to plays representing all aspects of African-American life. Whether they’re watching August Wilson’s Pulitzer Prize-winning play The Piano Lesson or the contemporary Akeelah and the Bee come to life onstage, the familial community, the crowd participation, the colorful sets, and the talented actors are what make up the theater’s rich legacy.

“People coming together and being on the same page for just a minute is so important,” said Rachel Hemphill Dickson, an actress with the Ensemble since the ’90s and the current associate artistic director. “There are fewer and fewer spaces where that happens. Art is important because it interrogates the questions that go undiscussed and elevates the challenges that deserve room.”

A performance of Detroit ’67 in 2016 (Courtesy/Ensemble Theatre)

Back in the mid-1970s, the late George Hawkins, founder of the Ensemble Theatre, imagined a place where Black actors could find work and perform plays that mattered. Even after he passed away, in 1990, his legacy and that dream continue to grow as the Ensemble prepares for its 50th-anniversary season starting this fall.

“George was a driving force that kept us encouraged, understanding that we were Black and we were doing Black plays,” said Eileen J. Morris, artistic director at the theater. “These plays were speaking to the experiences that we had … and yet it was a universal story that was being told. There were stories that dealt with families, communities, human beings, and all of the dynamics that are rolled into who we are.”

More than four decades later, Morris remembers the first time she met Hawkins. A Chicago native, she’d recently graduated with a theater degree and was looking for her big break. Her sister’s husband worked across the street from the Ensemble Theatre, and her sister watched as Hawkins worked to transform an old pet store into a theater for the community. Hawkins had a dream to showcase the diverse experiences of Black life. At other theaters, he noticed that Black artists were often relegated to playing maid and butler roles.

During one of her visits to Houston, Morris stopped in and met Hawkins.

“There’s a certain charm and spirituality that oozed from him,” Morris said. “I just loved watching him walk in the room. He had such an essence and a presence.”

About a year later, in 1982, she made her big move to the Bayou City and began working as a volunteer at the Ensemble. She volunteered as the house manager, helped out in the box office, swept the floors, and made phone calls. She and Hawkins quickly became an inseparable team. Within six months, Hawkins promoted her to managing director. 


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The original Ensemble at 1010 Tuam was tiny. The less-than-1,000-square-foot space could seat only 60 to 75 people. The actors would do their makeup in the bathroom before going onstage. Despite the crowded space, Black Houstonians were vying to get a seat and see a show. The actors were performing plays hot off the press from New York City’s theater scene.

Inside the Ensemble, Houstonians watched plays that brought the African-American experience to life, like A Raisin in the Sun, a play originally inspired by Langston Hughes’ poem “Harlem,” and No Place to Be Somebody, which explores racial tensions in the civil rights era. 

As Morris watched plays at the theater, she felt herself transforming too. 

“My heart was changed. It was like something washed over me,” she said. “I just became totally affected by what I was seeing onstage because it related to me. I felt like my voice was being heard. I was seeing my family up there.”

As more and more Houstonians gathered at the Ensemble, Hawkins realized they needed to find a bigger space to hold the growing audience. He began to drive around Midtown searching for a larger home for the theater. During one of his trips around the city, he spotted an old car dealership. He persuaded the landlord to let them take over the space. 

The one hiccup? The rent was $3,000. 

“We could not afford $3,000 a month,” Morris said. “I was like, Are you kidding me? How are we going to do this?”

At their previous space on Tuam, the rent was only $300 per month. However, Hawkins, a tried-and-true dreamer, believed they could come up with enough money to cover the tenfold increase. So they moved to the new space on Main Street in 1985. 

As the buzz around the Ensemble grew, the theater saw more support from the community. Pastor William A. Lawson and his wife, Audrey Lawson, founders of the historic Wheeler Avenue Baptist Church in Houston’s Third Ward, became huge advocates for the theater. Lawson and two other women became part of the Ensemble Theatre management team, where they worked to obtain grants, find board members, and help drum up financial support. At the larger space, they began performing in two different parts of the venue and hosting seven to eight shows per year. 

Paradise Blue in 2023 (Courtesy/Ensemble Theatre)

Five years later, in 1990, a monumental loss shook up the theater when Hawkins passed away at 43. The Lawsons were by his hospital bed. Later that evening, the theater planned to perform For Colored Girls to a sold-out audience. Before the show started, Morris returned to the theater to break the news to the cast. She brought along Pastor Lawson for ministerial support. 

“When I told the actors, they were just hollering and screaming and crying,” Morris recalled. “They said, ‘Well we’re not going on.’”

But when Pastor Lawson walked in, a hush fell over the room. He began to speak about Martin Luther King Jr. and related his famous “I Have a Dream” speech. He shared how Hawkins also had a dream, which led to the creation of the Ensemble Theatre. By the time Lawson finished his speech, the actors were eager to get onstage. 

“It was one of the most memorable performances that I remember. It came out of pain, fear, love, passion, hope, faith, and joy,” Morris said. 

Visiting Houston in the 1990s was the cool thing for Steven J. Scott, a student at Prairie View A&M University, to do on the weekends. When he made a pit stop at the Ensemble Theatre for the first time, he was captivated by the play The River Niger, which follows a son returning home from the Air Force to his family in Harlem. Back in high school, Scott had performed a poem from the show. 

“To see Black men in charge of producing and directing and being stars of a show, it was really cool to see that,” Scott said. “It made me want to go back to school and work harder.”

After graduating from college and doing theater elsewhere, he returned to audition for the Ensemble in 2002. He recalls taking a risk and singing a song from a Greek classic in his audition because he wanted directors to recognize him as a singer too. His bold decision paid off and he was cast in the Christmas production of They Sing Christmas Up in Harlem.

Two decades later, the Ensemble has remained home for Scott. Over the years, he’s performed plays that have transformed him as an actor and a person. He remembers auditioning in the back parking lot of the Ensemble for a play called He Man Ball, which follows three friends airing out their personal issues as they play basketball. Then, in 2014, he cut his beloved locks of 17 years to perform in a two-person show, Plenty of Time, alongside Dickson. 

“My goal was to always make the Ensemble my home because the Ensemble raised me as an artist,” Scott said. “As they grew, I grew. That’s a really beautiful thing in my story.”

Dickson’s character in Plenty of Time also stays etched in her memory, as the role required acting out the same woman’s life onstage from age 18 to 68. Dickson remembers weeping every time she got offstage from a performance of The Trial of One Short Sighted Black Woman vs. Mammy Louise and Safreeta Mae, in which a woman files a lawsuit about stereotypical images depicting Black women. 

“I believe every time, being onstage, it’s such a responsibility,” Dickson said. “It’s not a job. It’s a calling. It’s my responsibility to invest every time I get to engage.”

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Besides acting, both Scott and Dickson have moved into other roles at the Ensemble. As the youth education and community outreach coordinator, Scott oversees the Young Performers Program that trains up the next generation. Earlier this year, he directed Who All Over There?

During the closing weekend, Scott milled around the Ensemble lobby. Still lock-free after all these years, he shook hands and smiled with those coming to see the show. 

“My hope is that this institution continues to live on for another 100 years,” Scott said. “If it’s not here, then you don’t have that special place in Texas, right here in Houston, that really strives to speak to America about who Black people are, how complex we are, how diverse we are, and how a part of American culture we are.”

Morris also wants the Ensemble’s legacy to stretch for decades more in Houston. Since the pandemic, however, some Black-owned theaters in Texas have struggled to maintain consistent programming or keep a permanent performance space. For example, San Antonio’s Renaissance Guild and Dallas’ African American Repertory have not had active programming since COVID. 

Still, other Black-owned theaters are continuing to persevere. Jubilee Theater in Fort Worth has remained in the same location in Sundance Square since 1993 and is now in its 45th season. Dallas’ Soul Rep Theater Company has put on productions for 30 years that celebrate African-American culture. 

Morris is hopeful for the Ensemble’s future, but the theater has also endured challenges since 2020. In the pandemic’s wake, the number of Ensemble subscribers dropped from 2,500 to a little less than 1,000. Subscriber packages range in price. For example, someone interested can get four tickets to any of the season’s main-stage shows for $200. Morris hopes that the theater can reach 3,000 subscribers during its 50th season. 

The Tap Dance Kid in 2025 (Courtesy/Ensemble Theatre)

Houston’s theater scene also continues to expand rapidly, and some of these theaters have begun to embrace works popular with African-American audiences. This can be a challenge for the Ensemble because it has to compete with institutions that have larger budgets. 

The theater also relies heavily on funding from donors. Morris said the Ensemble has a reliable pool of individual donors, but it’s looking for new ways for the community to invest, whether that’s through buying group tickets, becoming a subscriber, volunteering, or donating. 

For the 50th season, the Ensemble plans to debut new performances and revive popular productions. Audiences can expect to see a revival of A Motown Christmas and the classic A Raisin in the Sun. At the start of 2027, the Ensemble will premiere The Wash, inspired by the historic Atlanta washerwomen strike of 1881. Meanwhile, Dickson will direct The Colored Museum, a play that explores stereotypes of Black life in America. 

“I am ready for love.” 

India Arie’s voice croons over the speakers in the back room of the Ensemble’s building. On a Thursday night in June, a group of actors stretch their bodies and groove to the soulful singer. The cast is preparing for an upcoming performance of Get Ready, a musical following a fictional group of African-American musicians preparing to make a comeback. 

After they finish stretching, they line up on the opposite side of the room. Director Patdro Harris instructs them to evoke different emotions as they cross the floor. What makes them feel strong? What makes them feel small? What makes them feel classy? A man struts across the room and shows off his muscles in the mirror to display strength. Shortly after, a woman displays all the different emotions as she crosses the floor and dances to finish off the exercise. She wiggles her body, and the rest of the cast hypes her up from the corner, shouting and raising their arms as the music swells. Harris tells the cast that he wants the same community spirit to come across onstage during their performances.

After all these years being a part of the Ensemble, it’s the same feeling Morris also wants to stay with audiences. It’s based around a quote—“Art does not change the world; art changes people, and people change the world”—from Wilson, one of her favorite playwrights.

“I want people to have an experience like none other,” Morris said. “I want them to know that when they have that experience, it’s going to be one that they’re going to want to share with someone else. You yourself go out and do something to make the world a better place. That’s why we are here.” 

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How Texas Can Lead in Fighting Anti-Asian Racism

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Thanks to Bo French’s racist social media post targeting the ethnicity of students celebrating the University of Texas at Austin’s football win, Texas again is making national and local headlines for anti-South Asian racism. But the state also holds the potential to lead the fight against anti-Asian racism and become a model for the nation. I am a scholar of Asian America who proudly grew up in Texas and has written about Asians in the state. Given our history and our resources, what could be more Texan than, “Don’t mess with (Asians in) Texas?”

Driven in part by economic issues, resentments towards South Asians have reached a fever pitch in the Lone Star State. Conservative Texas politicians and residents have alleged that the H-1B visa program, which lets in highly skilled professionals to work in roles employers have had difficulty filling, is being abused. Because over 70 percent of visa holders are Indian, anger over the program has led to racism against Indians generally and calls for restricting immigration programs specifically.

But more than losing a paycheck, some Texans fear losing their way of life. A sense of religious threat abounds. Residents have filled city council meetings to accuse Hindus and Muslims of immigrating in order to establish Sharia law and replace white Christians. While Islamophobia has been a nationwide problem for years, Texas ranks among the most hostile states. Hindu religious statues have been criticized by some Christians as forms of pagan worship. There is absurd rhetoric online and at city halls of South Asians practicing pedophilia.

There is a broader fear over changes to daily life. Indian Americans are supposedly taking over Dallas-Fort Worth area Costcos, as if no one else can shop there anymore. Even posting dance videos online leads to racist responses on social media. A festive bhangra dance somehow has become a cultural threat. South Asians are accused of being unable—not just unwilling—to assimilate.

Rather than putting out the fire of hate against South Asians, politicians in addition to French, such as former attorney general candidate and now U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Texas Aaron Reitz, often have fanned the flames, such as calling Indians “un-assimilated” and “un-assimilable.” Reitz posted on X in January: “Collin, Dallas, & Harris Counties may soon be renamed Calcutta, Delhi, & Hyderabad Counties given how bad the invasion of un-assimilated & un-assimilable Indians has become.”

As in most things, Texas is distinctive relative to other states but not alone. Anti-South Asian racism is acute here but has grown nationwide. Reports of online hate and threats of violence have sharply increased over the past year.

But Texas can be distinctive in another way. The state has a unique history that it can draw upon to lead the fight against such discrimination. 

Texas goes beyond preaching religious tolerance. It has been a model for how to balance the “free exercise of religion” with civil protections without going too far. The framing of the law has won over both religious conservatives and the ACLU. Texas also ensured that no one could be punished for their religious memberships or contributions. So it is completely in line with state law and precedent to extend these same protections to Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, and Muslim beliefs. The freedom to gather is all the more necessary as we realize that religious organizations help immigrant communities adjust to their area.

The story of Juneteenth offers another lesson to draw upon. It took a day of national shame, the long-deferred emancipation of slaves, and turned it into an opportunity for recognition and healing. Texas was the first state to officially recognize it, in 1980. Since then, it has become a national holiday for learning, civil rights activism, and festive foods and gatherings.

Taking a source of pain and turning it into one of pride and activism can be an inspiration in this current moment. For South Asians in Texas, such pain includes the murders following 9/11 of two fathers, Vasudev Patel and Waquar Hassan, while working at their stores in Mesquite and Dallas, respectively. Rais Bhuiyan, a gas station attendant, was blinded in one eye by the same mass murderer on September 21, 2001. Despite going into debt due to the ensuing surgeries, his Islamic beliefs led him to forgive the attacker and try (unsuccessfully) to stop his execution. Such magnanimity even led his white supremacist attacker to eventually refer to Bhuiyan as “an example for us all.”

We can call upon the spirit of Juneteenth and turn those tragic episodes into points of remembrance and guidance for today. We have seen the destruction that hate can bring as well as the inspiration that learning and reconciliation can offer. Faith communities, city councils, and others can learn about South Asians’ long history in the United States, tragic hate crimes, and the tenants of diverse religions. Temples and mosques can educate members about their immigration rights and create opportunities for inter-faith collaborations in support of local humanitarian needs.

Helping in this educational effort can be the Museum of Asian Texans, based in Dallas. Practically all museums regarding Asians are dedicated to Asian culture and history. This one, on the other hand, is first and foremost a state history museum. By documenting and sharing stories of Texans of Asian origin, it provides a version of that history that people fail to recognize, much less appreciate.

Learning the origins, accomplishments, and tribulations of Asian communities over time can rebut the premise that South Asians are unassimilable. Moreover, Asian American history can push past the expectation that Asians must lose their culture in order to be worthy citizens. Instead, telling people’s stories can “challenge dominant narratives that erase or flatten Asian American identity in Texas,” as the museum states. There is much to value in the maintenance of differences. We can even come to more fully understand the state and nation.

All of these opportunities will be squandered if people do not have the courage to seize on them. And the hate will continue to grow.

Politicians and public leaders must lean into this version of Texas. Rather than demonize faiths one does not agree with, the Texan thing to do is to defend people’s right to their religious practice. Rather than ignore hate, the Texan thing to do is to recognize and learn from it. Rather than demonize immigrants as forever foreigners, the Texan thing to do is to document their longstanding commitments to the area.

Which Texas do people want to be?

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The State’s Bible-Only Reading List Is a Disservice to Texas Kids

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Should Texas public school students learn about the Bible?

Yes, they should—but not in the way Texas education officials are going about it.

In June, Texas became the first state to require all public school students to read religious texts, as part of a newly approved list of nearly 200 readings—from “Hickory Dickory Dock” to Hamlet—mandated for all Texas public school students, Kindergarten through 12th grade. But what makes the new list especially controversial is that all of its religious readings come solely from a single text: the Bible. The list excludes texts sacred to faith traditions other than Christianity and Judaism—despite the fact that about one-third of Texans belong to neither of those religions.

This requirement that students read only the Bible, as I also argued in a recent report for Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, does a tremendous disservice to students, parents, and teachers. The “Bible-only” list doesn’t meet the need to learn about the major religious traditions that make up Texas and the nation today. It could impair public schools’ ability to serve a religiously diverse population. Worse, it threatens to turn non-Christian and non-religious Texans into outsiders in their own public schools.

The list, which takes effect in 2030, was developed by the Texas Education Agency (TEA), and, after contentious public hearings and some revisions, was approved by the State Board of Education in June. 

In all, the mandate includes 14 biblical selections—about one Bible passage for every 13 required texts. Among the many selected passages are readings about Jonah and the Whale (Grade 1), Moses and the Burning Bush (Grade 5), eight of Jesus’ Beatitudes (Grade 7), full chapters from Ecclesiastes and Lamentations (Grade 8), and 16 chapters from Job (High School). That’s a lot of Bible—even when spread out over twelve grade levels.

Governor Greg Abbott speaking at a Christian school in Bryan in 2023 (Logan Hannigan-Downs/College Station Eagle via AP)

TEA justified the biblical content by citing a 2007 statute requiring schools to offer an “enrichment curriculum” incorporating “religious literature, including the Hebrew Scriptures (Old Testament) and New Testament, and its impact on history and literature.” 

However, nowhere does that statute dictate that only the Bible be included. Yet that’s the road Texas education officials opted to take, despite criticism from numerous scholars pointing out the problems with so one-sided a canon. For instance, University of Texas history professor Steven Mintz criticized the list’s “overemphasis on the Christian tradition without providing the kind of contextualization and analysis that religious texts require.”

The new canon does have its defenders. The Atlantic’s Adam Kirsch argues that omitting the Bible from “young people’s education” leaves them “ill-equipped to understand America’s past, and therefore its present and future.” Similarly, Garion Frankel considers the Bible “indispensable to understanding the United States—and, frankly, the entire English language”; Texas students should graduate with “a strong working knowledge of [the Bible’s] stories, language and influence.”

Largely, I agree with Kirsch and Frankel. The Bible has had a substantial influence on Western culture and the American story. Students should indeed learn about it, and about the two religions that venerate it.

But teaching students only about the Bible does more harm than good.

For one thing, the Bible-only list doesn’t reflect today’s Texas. If you live in the cities or suburbs, you’re likely aware that Muslim, Sikh, Hindu, and Buddhist worship centers are springing up across the state, joining churches and synagogues on the religious landscape. (Indeed, this is a source of anxiety and even hostility for some Texans—and a wedge issue in the current election cycle.) Since 2007, the Christian share of the state’s population has declined from 84 percent to 67. One of every 17 Texans now belongs to a religion other than Christianity. And Texans who don’t identify with any particular religious tradition now make up just over a quarter of the state’s population.

Scholars and education professionals have long argued that for students to succeed in a religiously diverse society, they need basic instruction in the religions they’re likely to encounter.

Yet scholars also agree that such instruction must be religiously balanced (not privileging any religion over others) and nonconfessional (not promoting any religion). Public schools are not churches or missionary organizations: their job is to educate, not proselytize (something Texas’ governor, who says he opposes “indoctrination” in schools, would seem to understand perfectly well). In fact, both the United States and Texas constitutions prohibit government—including public schools—from favoring any religion over others.

Clearly, the Bible-only list lacks balance. It designates one religious text, sacred to only two religions, as essential student learning. This is especially regrettable since it would not be all that difficult to bring at least a modicum of religious balance to the list. For instance, alongside Psalm 23, which is required reading for 7th graders, students might also read the Holy Qur’an, Sura 1, which expresses similar feelings of loving dependence upon the divine. Alongside Jesus’ mandated teachings about anxiety, 6th graders might also explore some of the many passages in Hinduism’s Bhagavad Gita that deal with calming the “restless, turbulent” mind.

The Bible-only list also fails the nonconfessional test. True, it does not explicitly promote the Bible, Christianity, or Judaism. Nor does it mandate some of the most Christocentric Bible passages, such as John 3:16 or John 14:6. That said, the list’s one-sided focus on the Bible opens the list “to a charge of proselytizing students,” as I wrote in in my recent report, since it “implies that the Bible is more important, more deserving of attention, and perhaps more authentically American than other faith traditions.”

For those who follow Texas politics, it should come as no surprise that state policymakers are privileging Christianity’s sacred text. The new list is only the latest move in a decades-long campaign to inject religious, and particularly Christian, content into public education. For instance, Texas officials recently mandated the posting of “In God We Trust” and the Ten Commandments in public schools, required school boards to decide whether to offer a daily period for prayer and scripture reading, and authorized the “Bible-infused” Bluebonnet Curriculum

The cumulative effect of these policies, combined with the new reading list, is to put a thumb firmly on the scales in favor of one tradition over others. 

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Four decades ago, Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, a Republican appointed by President Ronald Reagan, warned of the consequences of official religious favoritism. In a 1984 decision, she wrote that government endorsement of any religion “sends a message to nonadherents that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community, and an accompanying message to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of the political community.”

That dynamic is perhaps the most disappointing aspect of Texas’ Bible-only list: It threatens to turn non-Christian and non-religious students, parents, and teachers into outsiders in their own schools.

Since the list doesn’t take effect until 2030, there’s still time for Texas education officials to prevent this from happening. It is my hope that officials will correct the list’s imbalance and create a canon that will ready students to flourish in the religiously diverse Texas we call home.

The post The State’s Bible-Only Reading List Is a Disservice to Texas Kids appeared first on The Texas Observer.