The ‘Houston Miracle’ Shell Game

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When Aubrie was a freshman in the Houston Independent School District (ISD), she was assigned to an Algebra I class. On the first day of school, her teacher recognized her talent and moved her into pre-AP Algebra I, where she thrived.

Two years later, at the beginning of the last school year, Aubrie was excited to take pre-AP Algebra II. She had always loved math and imagined a bright future in science. But three weeks into the school year, she and nearly 2,000 other juniors across Houston ISD’s 16 New Education System (NES) high schools were abruptly pulled out of Algebra II and placed into a remedial math course called Algebraic Reasoning/Texas College Bridge.

This move was not made to help students grow academically. Instead, we believe students were moved into this less rigorous course to artificially inflate campus accountability ratings, at the expense of student learning. Just sitting through the Algebraic Reasoning course and clicking through the online modules increases a school’s A-F rating, even if students never pass the state’s college readiness assessment attached to the class. It’s a loophole that state-appointed Superintendent Mike Miles is exploiting at an unprecedented scale.

Records obtained from the Houston ISD along with publicly available data from the Texas Education Agency (TEA) reveal that the district’s state-appointed Superintendent Mike Miles shunted about half of all juniors at NES high schools into this course. At some schools, as many as 70 percent of juniors were similarly demoted into less challenging classes.

NES high schools are all located in under-resourced, predominantly Black and Latino neighborhoods, which have borne the brunt of the state’s destructive takeover policies. By comparison, less than 5 percent of all juniors at non-NES high schools in more affluent communities, including Debakey, Carnegie Vanguard, Challenge, HAIS, Heights, HSPVA, and Lamar, were placed in this remedial course.

A “bridge” course may make sense for struggling seniors. For juniors who are only halfway through high school, it can stop a student’s academic trajectory in its tracks.

After being moved into Algebraic Reasoning, Aubrie asked her counselor to move her back into Algebra II. “If pre-AP was full,” she said, “I’ll take any Algebra II class; just get me out of this remedial class. I already know fractions, decimals, and percents.” 

She just wanted to take Algebra II. Most students in the United States take Algebra II or a more advanced math course by their junior year. 

The counselor said her hands were tied. Miles’ policy required all NES juniors who were not certain to earn the college, career, and military-readiness (CCMR) credit used in school accountability ratings to be removed from Algebra II. 

After weeks of pleading, Aubrie’s mother and community advocates got involved. Eventually, a state senator offered to intervene. Only then was Aubrie allowed into Algebra II.

To understand why Miles pushed so many juniors into Algebraic Reasoning, it helps to look at how the state calculates campus CCMR scores, which are a key component of high school accountability ratings. 

Students typically earn CCMR credit by passing an AP exam, finishing dual-credit courses. completing an industry certification, or by passing the Texas Success Initiative Assessment exam or its equivalent.

However, there is an alternative, less rigorous way for schools to earn these credits: Texas College Bridge, an online program designed primarily for seniors who need additional support before college.  

If a student completes the Texas College Bridge online course, the school is awarded CCMR credit–even if students don’t pass the Texas Success Initiative exam at the end of the course. In effect, Texas College Bridge is a loophole that allows schools to boost accountability ratings without increasing student readiness. 

Houston ISD’s Algebraic Reasoning class uses Texas College Bridge despite research overwhelmingly showing it does little to prepare students for college. In November 2025, Rice University’s Kinder Institute for Urban Research concluded that these courses are not strong predictors of college success and may give students a false sense of college readiness. 

Another study by Good Reason Houston found that when students enrolled in these courses, their chances of completing a college degree declined.

Recognizing the glaring problems, TEA recently decided to phase out Texas College Bridge as a CCMR pathway after this year. Yet Miles still chose to exploit this loophole while it existed; it was his last opportunity to boost the district’s accountability ratings in this way. 

Because Aubrie’s school served low-income students like her, Miles treated her as a disposable widget in a way that would never have been accepted at a middle-class or affluent school. 

Fortunately, Aubrie was able to return to Algebra II. But most students do not have a parent advocate, a community organizer, and a state senator fighting for them. Thousands of other Houston students were not given that chance. They now will have to wait until their senior year to take Algebra II, if they take it at all. 

The problem goes beyond replacing Algebra II with the more remedial Algebraic Reasoning. At least four NES high schools—Furr, North Forest, Sharpstown, and Wisdom—eliminated AP Calculus and AP Statistics after the state takeover. Students at those schools lost proven pathways to college success.

The Texas College Bridge shell game was not an isolated incident. Texas Monthly reported last year that Miles cut 8th-grade Algebra I enrollment by more than half at 10 NES middle schools, eliminating the course at five of them. Hundreds of high-achieving students were instead placed into on-level math, artificially boosting scores on the 8th-grade STAAR math test. This happened despite overwhelming evidence that taking Algebra I in 8th grade is a key predictor of attending and graduating from college. 

Reporting by the Houston Chronicle uncovered a district-wide scheme to delay biology from 9th to 10th grade at NES high schools except for students taking Pre-AP biology. Testing only higher-performing students created the appearance of dramatic gains while avoiding a fair comparison to prior years, when nearly all freshmen were tested on biology. Meanwhile, thousands of NES 9th-graders were diverted into a remedial science course with no STAAR exam, delaying their path to advanced science courses. 

Some were the same students who would later lose access to Algebra II as juniors. Aubrie’s school was not an NES campus during her freshman year, but other NES students lost access to Biology as freshmen and then to Algebra II as juniors. That creates a compounding loss of opportunity that could shut the door on STEM careers for thousands of Houston students.

Miles repeatedly claims that the transformation of Houston ISD that has occurred under his leadership represents “the largest overall growth in reading and math in Texas history.

But his actions tell another story of lowered expectations, delayed coursework, and reduced opportunity for thousands of Houston students, especially in Black and Latino communities. That is the real legacy of this takeover. So much for Miles’ “Houston Miracle.” 

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University of Houston Nixed Its Gender and Sexuality Classes. That Won’t Stop Texas’ Crusade Against Higher Ed 

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The sexual assault of children. The catcalling and income discrimination your sister faces. The struggles your granddad has connecting emotionally. These are topics explored in gender and sexuality studies classes. 

But following Florida, universities in the Lone Star State, including the University of North Texas, Texas A&M, Texas Tech, University of Texas, and now the University of Houston (UH), where I have taught in the Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Program for a decade, are eliminating such classroom spaces.

Starting this month, according to a surprise July 7 memo, UH will remove Introduction to Women’s Studies and Introduction to LGBT Studies as courses that students may elect to take to fulfill Texas’ “language, culture, philosophy” requirement. That means they will no longer be options in the 42-credit state-mandated core curriculum for a four-year degree, with categories ranging from communication, history, life and physical science, and creative arts. All told, UH is set to remove roughly 100 courses, including Introduction to Global Climate Change and Black Liberation Theology.

At UH, the introductory courses in gender and sexuality are popular: 700 students enroll each semester, with business, education, pre-med, psychology, and other majors represented. Students, for example, might learn that some interpretations of the Bible (the word “homosexuality” first entered the collection of ancient texts we call the Bible in 1946) find no conflict with some women marrying another woman and some men marrying another man. Along with all classes, these courses provide a breadth of foundational knowledge and prepare students to engage civically, professionally, and personally.  

An important value of being in the core is that it gives students a kind of permission to embrace curiosity and explore various subjects. Removing important classes sends a message that studying such is inappropriate. And if introductory gender and sexuality classes no longer count toward graduation requirements, enrollment will plummet. The reason UH is making this change isn’t because the classes fail to provide meaningful education. It’s because UH has overinterpreted current law, as have other universities across Texas. 

Institutions especially point to Senate Bill 37. Enacted in 2025, the law prohibits faculty senates, creates a state-level office where people can file complaints if they believe a university has violated state law, and shifts control of the curriculum from educators to the university’s board of regents. Regents at public universities in Texas are appointed by the governor, currently Republican Greg Abbott, for their economic and political clout. They are not educators. Because draft versions of SB 37 included language that would have prohibited conversations about sex and race and because it’s anticipated that lawmakers will resurrect such restrictions in the coming session, administrators hope that anticipatory obedience will satisfy a Texas Legislature that is often hostile toward education.

This all flies against what our state celebrates: small government and personal freedom. We say that people should be able to form their own opinions. This right to form one’s own opinion should extend to a student’s opinion that studying gender and sexuality, variables that impact everyone, is worth their investment. And while some are quick to judge the younger generations as being coddled and sensitive, these same people want to censor conversations about gender and sexuality. 

Testimonial data supports that gender and sexuality studies courses are impactful. On an anonymous evaluation for my Introduction to LGBT Studies class an enrollee shared, “Students felt safe sharing their identities, experiences, and perspectives. The course offered a strong foundation in LGBTQ history, theory, and contemporary issues. … Overall, the class created a space that was intellectually engaging, socially aware, and personally meaningful.”

Gracie Rivera, who is now a UH alumni in graduate school studying library science, wrote to me sharing: “As a Latina woman, Introduction to Women’s Studies, Introduction to LGBT Studies, and Intersectionalities and Disability Studies gave me the confidence to advocate for myself—including successfully negotiating a $4 per hour raise at work and helping close my gender pay gap.”

After teaching 73 class sections of Introduction to Women’s Studies and Introduction to LGBT Studies, I can attest that they are life changing for students and professors alike. Until recently when some politicians started targeting transgender people and ignoring the complexities of biology, these classroom spaces weren’t controversial. These classes encourage students to be who they want to be, whether that’s having children, modifying their body with tattoos, or striving to be the first woman president.

Andrew Joseph Pegoda, Ph.D. teaches at the University of Houston and is a member of the university’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors. This op-ed reflects Pegoda’s ideas as a private individual.

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American Skater

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Between May 2025 and March of this year, I photographed Robinson Gonzalez, a Venezuelan professional skateboarder in his mid-twenties.

Three years before I started this work, Gonzalez crossed the Darién Gap, having left his family behind. He was later granted entry into the United States as an asylum-seeker. Back in 2018, during anti-government protests in Caracas, an explosive device had nearly severed his left hand. His political involvement had made his home country unsafe for him. 

After settling in San Antonio in October 2024, he got sponsored by an American skate brand, found work as a food delivery driver, and taught skateboarding to local youth.

Most of these photographs depict him alone, as he struggled to build a life in a new country without a support network. The images depict the emotional cost of migration: missed birthdays, funerals, and everyday moments with loved ones left behind. Routine tasks became major challenges, from healthcare to banking, from finding housing to seeking police help when his car was stolen more than once.

As immigration discourse is increasingly distorted by enforcement and fear, this project focuses on the quiet fight for stability, dignity, and belonging. These 11 months of Gonzalez’s life are a microcosm of the immigrant experience—of resilience in the face of a contradictory system that welcomes your labor but not your full presence. 

(Top) Last June, Gonzalez shows videos from his journey to the United States. (Bottom-left and -right) Gonzalez on one of his daily calls to his mother and siblings in Venezuela

(Top left) Gonzalez makes another DoorDash delivery. (Bottom left) Gonzalez skating at Lady Bird Johnson Park in San Antonio, then driving back home from skating in Pearsall (Top center) Last November, Gonzalez has just moved into a San Antonio apartment previously occupied by two immigrants from Mexico and Honduras who were deported. (Top-right) Gonzalez flicks leaves from a flower. (Bottom-right) Gonzalez teaches skateboarding to local kids.

(Left) Gonzalez skates at Hays Bridge Skate Park in San Antonio. (Right) Gonzalez makes a DoorDash delivery downtown. (Bottom) Gonzalez takes a break from skating in Pearsall.

In late May, Gonzalez was stopped for a traffic violation and booked into jail, where he is subject to an ICE hold. He plans to fight to stay in the country; I have started a GoFundMe to help with his legal costs.

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ICE Never Stopped Chasing People in Cars in the Rio Grande Valley

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As thousands of people from all over the United States came to the Laguna Madre area this past weekend to watch SpaceX’s latest launch in South Texas, many who live in the nearest towns—Laguna Vista, Port Isabel, Laguna Heights, and South Padre Island—stayed indoors.  

Immigration Customs and Enforcement (ICE) agents had been arresting several people in the area over the last few weeks, likely as part of a new federal directive from earlier this month to increase arrests to 2,000 a day across the country. The agency’s presence has led to residents making their own warning system to inform the community, many of whom are mixed-status, of where agents are at any given time.

Preceding many of these arrests was a car chase through the residential streets of Laguna Vista on July 14, happening the same day that the Trump administration issued a directive to ICE to temporarily halt most traffic stops, following the ICE killings of two people in Houston and Maine, according to reporting early that morning from the New York Times. The pause lasted about a day

But that afternoon, ICE agents in Laguna Vista—a town of around 4,000 in the Rio Grande Valley that’s a 20-minute drive from South Padre Island, where ICE agents killed a U.S. citizen, Ruben Ray Martinez, in March last year—sped after a crew of roofers who were on their way back to a job site, according to witnesses. ICE confirmed that agents were in the area on July 14 when asked by the Observer. 

Traveling in two cars, a red Jeep and a dark-colored Ford Escape, the seven roofers were leaving a Stripes convenience store in Laguna Vista after their lunch break, heading back to their work site in town. A black SUV passed them on the two-lane Highway 510. The SUV made a U-turn, then accelerated towards them. The SUV, which was unmarked, did not have sirens on. 

The roofers, at some point, split, the red Jeep going down Fernandez Street and blowing past the four-way intersection at Taylor Street, the unmarked black SUV following close behind. Laguna Vista resident Samantha Weber Alarcón, who was driving with her son, was heading to a movie theater in Brownsville when she saw the Jeep and the black SUV run the stop sign on Fernandez Street in the early afternoon. 

Thinking it was the local police chasing a speeding teenager, she continued onto Fernandez and then onto Mesquite Drive, the end of which leads to Highway 100 toward Brownsville. She had just started driving down the street when a different car, the dark-colored Ford Escape, sped past her on the left, hitting a speedbump, then stopping in the driveway of a home halfway up the street. Close behind were the same black SUV and a white SUV, neither with sirens on, driving side by side trying to make “three lanes of traffic into a two-lane road,” Weber Alarcón told the Observer

“They speeded right next to me,” she said during a phone interview. “They hit the speed bump so bad that, when they got in front of me at high speed, I had to go to the right. … If not, they would have hit me.”


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Now in a ditch on the side of the street, Weber Alarcón called 911. While she was on the phone with a dispatcher, she got out of her truck and started walking toward the SUVs. She could see that men had emerged from the SUVs with t-shirts, jeans, and green vests that said “ICE”—and that one of them was pointing a gun a few feet from the open back window of the Ford. Inside the Ford, a man in the backseat had his hands up, a paper bag with his lunch in one of them. 

“I guess I was in more fear because of what I had just seen happen to the young guy in Maine,” Weber Alarcón said, recounting her thoughts from that day. “I had just seen that in the morning before I left to the movies. So, can you imagine my train of thought when I saw him pull the gun on the kid?” 

The driver and front passenger of the Ford were gone. They had run off behind the house whose driveway they’d driven into, escaping from the agents who chased them on foot. Weber Alarcón began yelling at the agents that they had almost hit her and her son. She pulled out her phone and started taking photos of what she was seeing. She said that when she pulled her phone out, the agent put his gun down, took the man out of the backseat of the car, and put him in handcuffs

Weber Alarcón, believing the handcuffed man was a student she knew at Port Isabel High School, was yelling at the agents to let him go. By then, a Laguna Vista Police Department sergeant arrived and started making a report. Weber Alarcón said that the police officer repeatedly told her he could do nothing about what the agents were doing other than report it to the ICE agents’ supervisors. 

Realizing the man they pulled from the backseat was a U.S. citizen, the agents uncuffed him. Weber Alarcón started telling the agents again that their driving could have killed her and her son. She said one agent apologized and had “a million excuses” as to why they drove the way they did. Then one of the agents asked Weber Alarcón if she could take the man from the backseat home because the car he was riding in was now part of an investigation. The agents then sped away down the street, the Laguna Vista police officer yelling at them to slow down.

“I said [to the officer], ‘You see, they almost hit us, and they could care less,’” Weber Alarcón said.

Weber Alarcón then drove the man, who was not actually the student from Port Isabel High School, to his home in Brownsville. In a statement to the Observer, an ICE spokesperson said “officers were conducting targeted enforcement” in the area and “observed a vehicle driving erratically,” before the driver sped up to get away from the officers. “There was no vehicle pursuit or arrest attempt,” the spokesperson said.

The statement continued to say that, after the driver and passenger fled, agents encountered the “abandoned vehicle” with the young man in the backseat, claiming he ignored orders to exit the car and “began reaching into a tool bag”—where the spokesperson said “a knife was later discovered”—causing the officer to draw his gun. After the man exited with hands up, he was identified “as an 18-year-old U.S. citizen” and released.

The man, who spoke to the Observer on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals,  challenged ICE’s account. The alleged knife, he said, was a shingle cutter in his tool bag. He is also in his mid-twenties, not 18, as ICE stated.

“The car was not abandoned. They didn’t just show up to an abandoned vehicle. That’s a lie,” Weber Alarcón said when shown ICE’s statement. “They did a high-speed chase.”

Credit: Courtesy/Samantha Weber Alarcón

Credit: Courtesy/Samantha Weber Alarcón

Credit: Courtesy/Samantha Weber Alarcón

Weber Alarcón’s post about the incident has been shared thousands of times on Facebook. Since then, several other posts on the social media site have documented ICE agents in the Laguna Madre area surrounding vehicles or arresting people. 

ICE has limited authority to stop and question individuals they think are in the country illegally. Before agents stop someone, they must have “reasonable suspicion” that the person is in the U.S. without authorization. The bar is higher for warrantless arrests: Agents must have reason to believe the person may escape before they can get a warrant.

Agents can’t use race, ethnicity, accent, and the type of work someone does alone as motives to detain them, but they can be factors in deciding whether to do so. A Los Angeles federal court temporarily blocked the consideration of those factors last July, but the Supreme Court stayed that decision in an ongoing case.

From the Laguna Madre area, photos and videos collected on social media and sent to the Observer show ICE agents almost exclusively around trucks with construction or lawn care equipment in their beds. 

There is little legal recourse for people who are lawful permanent residents or U.S. citizens and are detained or arrested by ICE, even if their rights were likely violated.

“Just the experience of having a gun pointed at you, having agents aggressively approach your car, endangering people on the road, coming into your yard or home, obviously, that is an extremely traumatic event for anyone who has to experience it,” Michelle Lapointe, legal director for the American Immigration Council, told the Observer. “So even if those folks don’t end up being put in proceedings because they can’t be deported, and the government knows that, it’s still an extremely humiliating and traumatic experience.” 

Laguna Vista City Manager Victor Trevino told the Observer he had heard of the ICE chase but didn’t know any details. No Laguna Vista elected official responded to a request for comment, nor did the police chief, Daniel Holland. 

Unlike in larger cities across the country, where ICE made large shows of their descents into neighborhoods, the agency’s movement in the Valley is usually documented by community members on social media, as Weber Alarcón did. She says it was to warn other residents of the agency’s impunity.

“I sent it to everyone that I could, because I saw the disrespect that was given to our local police officers,” Weber Alarcón said. “That’s what I was so in fear of, myself. I was like, ‘Then that means we’re not safe at all. If our police officers here can’t help us, who’s going to help us?’” 

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