The Texas Ocelot in a World ‘Propelled Toward Algorithms and Bottom Lines’

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Neither tacos, nor bluebonnets, nor crooked politicians are unique to Texas. However, ocelots—spotted wild felines—just about are. Although they can be found south of the border, Texas is the only state in the country (except for very rare individuals found in Arizona) that is home to ocelots, and here only in the state’s far southern thornscrub. Fewer than 90 ocelots inhabit deep South Texas, and their numbers are dwindling.

In Karen Olsson’s third novel, Dear Thorns, a forty-something conservation biologist named Lora has spent seven years working at Tangled Lake, a fictionalized version of the Laguna Atascosa National Wildlife Refuge, stalking and studying the area’s elusive ocelots. That means setting traps for them and, on the rare occasion in which one is captured, fitting it with a GPS tracker before releasing it back into the wild. Every now and then, she gives public slide lectures about the vanishing species she is intent on saving. “Sometimes,” writes Olsson, “Lora wondered whether she was anything more than a witness to extinction.” Those who care about ocelots are also an endangered species. 

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Olsson dedicates her book, out November 3 from Astra House, “For Texas,” and it is set in a desolate southern part of the state where the closest metropolis is Harlingen, population 72,000. Her first novel, Waterloo, was a canny send-up of a capital city much like Austin, which was in fact originally named Waterloo. Her second novel, All the Houses, was set in another capital, Washington, D.C. A former editor of the Texas Observer, Olsson returns now to a scraggy landscape that Lora, an outsider who grew up in the Northeast, has learned to love: “It was strange, how devoted she’d grown to this rugged, abused land.” A quirky old rancher confides to Lora how as a young man he had moved to New York but eventually made his way back home. “I’ve been arguing with Texas my whole life.” In this novel, Texas, despite its unforgiving climate and prickly, unlovely vegetation and people, wins the argument. 

What drives the story is Lora’s passion for observing and preserving vulnerable wildlife. Olsson, who shares her knowledge of the distinctive flora and fauna of South Texas, captures the “stillness, waiting, patience” that are obligatory in the daily tasks of a professional naturalist. Tracking creatures out in their thorny habitat induces a kind of ecstatic state that is independent of practical purposes. Lora lives alone in a shabby residence at the wildlife refuge and can count on assistance only from a couple of young interns. Her desire to study ocelots on nearby private lands is thwarted by local ranchers’ automatic mistrust of government agents. But the serpent in her rural paradise is her boss, Greg Granger, who is not only indifferent to the plight of ocelots but also hatches a plan to privatize their conservation. By renting out cabins to hunters, the wildlife refuge’s director would turn Tangled Lake into a commercial enterprise, while outsourcing the protection of ocelots to local ranchers. 

Lora is of course appalled by this betrayal, which plunges her into a midlife crisis. Granger’s scheme would mean either losing or else dramatically redefining her job as conservation biologist. More fundamentally, it seems to her capitulation to the commercial forces that are obliterating the natural world. She frets over how “it was becoming harder and harder to do things that didn’t generate a profit, even if they were helpful and decent things to do, the profit motive just kept urinating all over everything, marking more and more territory, and all that piss, all the degradation, whether it was the development that had imperiled the ocelots to begin with, or the lack of support for the kinds of bigger, more ambitious conservation projects she wished she could work on.”

Lora thinks back to happier times, when, in a romantic relationship with a fellow researcher who eventually jilted her, she was studying macaques in Puerto Rico. She now finds herself utterly alone amid the brush of rural Texas, reflecting on “what a muddle her life, any life, was.” 

A series of loveless sexual encounters with an intern named Ben who is half her age only compounds the muddle. It is a mistake for Lora but also for the novel; Ben never becomes anything more than just a 6’4” hunk inserted as a plot convenience to emphasize Lora’s desperation. Much more interesting is Mifflin Earle, an oddball old rancher who claims to receive signals from nonhuman sources. Earle is an eccentric painter but also a connoisseur of ocelots and their habitats. “There is a different kind of presence out here,” he insists to Lora. “I’m talking about wildness, wildness pure and simple, which cannot possibly be comprehended, much less encouraged, by your Department of the Interior.”

Just across the road from Lora’s wildlife refuge is an immigrant detention center. When Lora is invited there to deliver a lecture on ocelots, the audience consists entirely of guards and other staff. Not only are migrants missing from the talk, but Lora never sees a single migrant during her carefully controlled visit to the migrant center, reminding her of “the erasure of wild animals and the things people didn’t see.” The invisible presences that haunt Dear Thorns make the novel a kind of melancholy ghost story.

Dear Thorns

It marks the third installment in Olsson’s trilogy of blighted idealism. In Waterloo, the cynical realities of Texas politics and journalism defeat efforts to use each to make the world a better place. In All the Houses, a daughter’s reverence for her father, a former official at the National Security Council, is undercut by revelations of his implication in the Iran-Contra scandal. In the latest novel, Lora’s dedication to making the world safe for ocelots collides with her discovery that: “The world was more and more propelled toward algorithms and bottom lines, and if you resisted those imperatives you were punished.”

Toward the end of Dear Thorns, Lora crawls through dense thickets on her hands and knees in search of a GPS device that has fallen off an ocelot’s collar. Scratched and bleeding from the thorns in the brush, she is in agony. But, doing exactly what she, a conservation biologist, should be doing, she is exhilarated. 

“Long live the weeds and the wilderness yet,” proclaims Gerard Manley Hopkins in his poem “Inversnaid.” Weeds and thorns are the tonic necessary to a vibrant life. The thorns are dear to Lora because they provide her with a reason to resist, however wistfully.

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Bobby Pulido, the New Scion of South Texas Democrats 

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Tejano star Bobby Pulido crushed the incumbent Republican Congresswoman Monica De La Cruz by 24 points last night in a fierce blue backlash against gerrymandering, immigration crackdowns, and the high cost of living in South Texas’ Congressional District 15.

With 30 years of touring and two Latin Grammys under his belt, Pulido was a formidable opponent for the lesser-known congresswoman from the start. His nostalgic 1990s hits became the soundtrack to a moderate, good-vibes campaign pushing back against the extremism of President Donald Trump, who previously won the predominantly Hispanic district by a stunning 18 points in 2024. The red ripple and gerrymandered maps that ushered in De La Cruz as the first Republican to represent the 15th district proved to be a short-lived and failed experiment, one of countless casualties in last night’s blue tsunami.

The congresswoman’s last-ditch efforts to distance herself from the immigration raids that have disrupted life across South Texas proved futile as Pulido’s star status propelled him higher and higher in the polls. He performed at countless quinceañeras, the Texas Democratic Party convention, and at rallies alongside Gina Hinojosa and James Talarico. On October 17, the 53-year-old musician gave his final performance, La Ultima Desvelada, at a sold-out arena in Edinburg.

But now that the music’s over, constituents will see what kind of congressman Pulido will be. Asked about how he connects with voters on important issues, Pulido told the Texas Observer in a July interview, “Issues are more important to journalists than they are to people. I think the people don’t look at it as ‘How do you stand on this issue?’ It’s ‘Can I trust that you care about me?’” He’s spent more time performing “Desvelado” for local audiences and taking pictures with fans than diving into his vaguely populist, centrist platform.

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“For over 30 years, you played my music at your weddings, your quinceañeras, and your carne asadas, and the past year you welcomed me into those same celebrations on the campaign trail,” Pulido said in a statement to the Texas Tribune. “Tonight, you trusted me with something even bigger than a song. You trusted me with your future, and I will work hard everyday to honor it.” 

The beloved figure will be joining the ranks of a not-so-beloved coalition that helped fund his campaign: the Blue Dog Democrats. The conservative Democratic group established in the 1990s is notorious for siding with Republicans in Congress on critical issues like abortion, gun control, and border security. Their numbers have been dwindling over the past decade, but Pulido’s victory alongside that of Johnny Garcia in Texas Congressional District 35, fortifies the group’s hold on South Texas—alongside Henry Cuellar of Laredo and Vicente Gonzalez in Brownsville, who both also handily fended off the GOP’s attempts to take them out last night. 

The Tejano singer has said he maintains his support for the Second Amendment, capitalism, and a militarized border, although he believes Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operations have wrongly targeted innocent people and disrupted life in the community. Immigration raids and for-profit detention centers became a flashpoint in the race.

Even De La Cruz ran advertisements boasting of her efforts to free people from federal immigrant detention. Yet in the final months of her campaign, she appeared at Trump rallies and at his fruitless Republican Midterm National Convention in Dallas. There was seemingly nothing to hold back the wave of retribution that wiped her out of office. She accepted defeat last night in a statement calling her two terms in Congress “the greatest honor of my life.”

With a whole new slate of Democratic leadership set to govern Texas and take up the majority in Congress, there are huge promises to be upheld and battles to undertake. J.C. Frias, a popular progressive influencer from the Rio Grande Valley, took to social media to share his excitement and concerns following last night’s astonishing victory. “We are all celebrating as we should, but I just wanna say we want justice. We want accountability,” Frias said. “I’m talking about our neighbors being beaten, handcuffed, dragged, threatened with firearms pointed to their face.” Frias demanded public trials and investigations of ICE.

Pulido, with all his bells and whistles, may instead represent a return to the status quo in South Texas. He told the Observer he believes in common-sense border enforcement and that ICE needs to rebuild trust and accountability—but asked what legal measures should be taken to hold them accountable, he merely responded: “Elect Democrats.”

At an election night party in his hometown of Edinburg, Pulido talked about the value of hard work and dedicated his victory speech to improving life for the working people of South Texas. “We’re rich in family, faith, culture, and determination. What we’re missing are opportunities,” Pulido said. “I want our children to grow up in South Texas, to find good jobs, buy homes, and raise families here. I want the next generation to have opportunities our parents and grandparents could only dream of.”

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And Poof. There Goes Red Texas.

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I’m not one to typically employ the writerly first person, but after last night please allow me the indulgence. Eight years ago, having moved to Texas to cover the 2018 midterms for the Texas Observer, I traveled across the state tracking what would be a blue wave of historic proportions. On Election Night, I watched from the minor league baseball stadium in El Paso as an upstart Democrat named Beto O’Rourke came within a hair’s breadth of winning a statewide seat in Texas for the first time in a generation. 

On those coattails, fueled by mass resistance to Donald Trump’s first presidency, Democrats flipped a dozen state House seats and a couple state Senate seats, and made inroads all across the Texas suburbs. It felt like the long-lost Democratic cause in Texas was on the precipice. 

Instead, that Sisyphean rock kept falling back to solid red ground. In 2020, Democrats’ sky-high hopes fell flat hard. In 2022, no dice. In 2024, a major regression. The one-party-ruled red empire of Texas appeared as unbreakable as ever.

Then, in this year of 2026, with the seeming snap of a finger, it all vanished. 

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Ken Paxton—that ethically and morally impaired man who finally proved that he is not, in fact, made of Kevlar—lost by a dozen points to a Democrat named James Talarico. And it didn’t stop there. Relatively early in the night, Governor Greg Abbott—running for an unprecedented fourth term at the helm of the State of Texas—conceded to Gina Hinojosa as his powerful fiefdom crumbled to dust. Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick, also seeking a fourth term, fell too. So did every single Republican running for statewide office. Attorney General? Gone. Railroad commissioner? Bye Bo French. Texas Comptroller? Toast. Texas Agriculture Commissioner? Adios. Texas Land Commissioner, gone. Texas Supreme Court? Now a narrow 5-4 GOP majority. 

Control of the Texas House, which Republicans have held for over 20 years now? Democrats are now on the verge of running the show in the lower chamber come January—with certain members already filing their speakership papers last night. And if not for some sound gerrymandering of the hard-right Texas Senate, Democrats would be about to enjoy a trifecta of power. The congressional gerrymandering of 2025, meanwhile, done in an attempt to deliver Donald Trump five more red seats in Texas, fell apart as Democrats ran the table in South Texas and beyond. 

The full scope of Democrats’ utter rout of Texas is still being tabulated, but it was a bloodbath in every sense. To say it feels surreal—unreal—is an understatement. What was one day earlier the most powerful, entrenched Republican state government in the nation is now packing its bags, destined for the exits in two months. Looking back to 2018, a cycle that perhaps presaged 2026, it all looks rather quaint. 

So, what the hell happened? How did this decadent red empire of Texas so thoroughly disintegrate in the course of one cycle? How are we actually looking at not just one or two statewide flips for Democrats, which alone would’ve been a gargantuan victory, but a Blue Texas? How did a true political revolution upend the Lone Star State in one fell swoop?

I was not at all expecting the outcome we saw on election night–I don’t think anyone really was. 

But many things do come to mind. One cannot help but look back at the past several years, at how Republicans in charge doubled town on a politics of delivering pain and retribution to their perceived enemies, of electoral and legislative hubris (some of it earned), of casual corruption, of extraneous extremism, of an increasing indifference to those not in the GOP club. Culture wars about gender, book banning, and so on.  Ramming through a private school voucher program to please out-of-state activists. An ongoing refusal to invest in the public education system and a willingness to let a broken property tax system fester cycle after cycle, promising always that the next election would be the one to deliver relief.

Or maybe it was mostly the $4+-per-gallon gas prices and a president who ran against forever wars going to war—not yet forever in duration but possibly on its way—while engaging in the most brazen sort of self-dealing and personal enrichment and launching an indiscriminate domestic police campaign against hard-working immigrants. Maybe it was one of the most anti-incumbent election waves in American history. And maybe it was everything. 

To be a bit indelicate, whatever happened, it happened very fucking loudly here in Texas. And it happened all at once. 

For Republicans here, there will be plenty of time for sorting the blame and meting out the recriminations. Trump has already begun to blame everyone but himself. And there is time, though not as much, for sorting out just exactly what the Democrats who now find themselves on the verge of running Texas will do. 

But on the former count, soon-to-be-former Texas Comptroller and right-wing hardliner Don Huffines—who primaried Greg Abbott in 2022, a bid that helped usher in a rightward lurch in state government—got a head start last night. 

“I blame it on our leadership; I just do,” Huffines said in a speech at his campaign event last night, citing the top leaders seeking fourth terms in office. “I blame this on Greg Abbott, I blame it on Dan Patrick. … I hope they’re happy. Because now we’re all going to suffer. … People are tired of the Republicans being in office.” He went on to lament how Abbott and Patrick’s promises to reduce property taxes this cycle only served to remind voters that they haven’t gone down in a dozen years. 

Ending his somber/angry rant, Huffines said there’s a “lotta great patriots” who still care about what happens in Texas. “What are we gonna do? Who are we gonna call?” Huffines said, seemingly to himself, cueing up his anger. 

“There’s no one left.”

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Holy Shit, Texas Democrats Are Gonna Govern

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To paraphrase a fake quote from Vladimir Lenin—who, had he been a statewide Democratic candidate here last night, would have won by at least five points—there are decades when nothing happens, and there are nights when the Republican men who’ve held this state in their collective deathgrip for the past 12 years are thrown like Whataburger wrappers onto the electoral ash heap of Texas history. 

There are a few ways to summarize Tuesday’s results. For example, as in the headline above: “Holy shit.” Or: “This is impossible.” Or: “I think I’m accidentally on some kind of drug you typically have to forage deep into a remote jungle to find.”

Or, somewhat more precisely, Texas Democrats last night did the following: Flipped every statewide race from U.S. senator down to railroad commissioner and even including the four state Supreme Court seats that were up (of nine total). Facing a Trump-ordered 2025 U.S. House gerrymander meant to flip 5 seats to the Republicans, Democrats instead flipped one net seat for themselves, driven by an overwhelmingly strong performance in South Texas, where the GOP had overindexed on Trump’s fleeting 2024 strength. Dems needed 14 seats to flip the state House, a generally unfathomable number as of 6:59 p.m yesterday; as of Wednesday morning, they’d clearly flipped the chamber, with the only question being the size of their incoming majority. With Texas’ help, Dems nationwide flipped the U.S. House and Senate by wide margins too.

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At the very top of the ballot, Austin state Representative James Talarico defeated Attorney General Ken Paxton by something like 12 points, while the statewide Dems below—most notably state Representative Gina Hinojosa squaring off with Governor Greg Abbott—prevailed in the range of 5 to 7 points.

That, to be clear, is not what the polling showed—with Talarico and Hinojosa overperforming their poll averages by roughly 10. And that’s not what any pundits, save perhaps one I can think of, predicted. That is a fever dream made flesh.

We are, after all, only two years removed from a historically dispiriting election for Texas Democrats. In 2024, Dems here lost ground everywhere—from the biggest cities to the swingiest suburbs to, most acutely, heavily Hispanic South Texas—as voters including the youngest cohort spurned Kamala Harris and, to a slightly lesser extent, Senate hopeful Colin Allred. 

This year, to give a sense, the most populous county in the Rio Grande Valley in deep South Texas—Hidalgo County—swung toward the Dems by about 49 points, comparing Trump’s ’24 margin to Talarico now. Talarico performed some 30 points better there than the top-ballot Dem in 2022 as well. 

Turnout numbers aren’t final, but we’re headed for a number around 10 million—a certain record-breaker for a midterm, though not too different from 2018 as a percent of voters registered. New York Times estimates suggest Hispanic Texans shifting 40-plus points toward Dems compared to 2024 and voters ages 18-29, in the realm of 50 points.

The hardest thing, then, is not understanding whether Republicans took a shellacking this year for the ages; it’s understanding what this all means come January. 

Will Texas Education Agency head Mike Morath be fired? Yes, that’s safe to say. Will that stop the school district takeovers that have roiled the state? One can hope. Will the Lege actually turn around the ship of privatization and equitably fund our public schools? Harder to say.

Will any pushes to further entrench police cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement or punish abortion-seekers be dead on arrival? Seem like safe bets. Will Texas stop putting band-aids on a broken government revenue system and just pass a damn progressive income tax? Well, no, but maybe one day! Anyone who tells you they know what’s possible now is lying.

Today is Wednesday, November 4, 2026, and our state officially faces the unthinkable: Democrats who govern.

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