Throwing the Book at Books in Prison

posted in: All news | 0

Every Thursday and Sunday evening, a dozen volunteers file into the back room of Vesper, a community space in East Austin. In the workroom-turned-library, there is a small kitchen, bright overhead lighting, and hundreds of books and magazines stacked every which way on floor-to-ceiling shelves that line the walls. Each person plucks a handwritten letter from a neat stack on the folding table in the center of the room. The letter, written by a Texas prisoner, contains a request for three books, sometimes accompanied by details about daily incarcerated life. Then they search the stocked shelves for books that fit the person’s genre or author preferences. They write a return letter, assemble the package, and pass it off to “quality control”—the lead volunteers who check and seal the package, before it gets mailed to the inmate’s prison. 

These volunteers fuel the nonprofit that is Inside Books Project, which sends around 40,000 free books per year to incarcerated men and women in correctional facilities around the state. In 1999, Dave Martinez, who had previously developed the Prisoners Literature Project in San Francisco, moved to Austin to start a Texas-based prison book project, working with a handful of other activists in the area to get the organization off the ground. 

That included Scott Odierno, the current coordinator of Inside Books Project, who’d moved to Austin from New Orleans, where he’d worked at Crescent Wrench, a now-disbanded bookstore collective with a radical bent, and joined the group in 2000. In 2009, the organization moved operations to Vesper and obtained nonprofit status in 2012. Now, Odierno, 55, is the only full-time employee and receives a small stipend for his work.

There are about 56 prison book programs in the United States, serving almost every state. Most of these are entirely volunteer-run and rely on donated books to operate. At Inside Books, the only prison book program in Texas, about 80 percent of all books are donated, but the organization buys some from secondhand retailers to bolster its inventory. The scrappy team is constantly scrambling to keep up with the never-ending demand for books from what is the largest imprisoned population in the country. The group usually works two months behind, fielding letters and fulfilling requests twice a week. It’s necessary, rewarding work that benefits everyone involved: Not only does maintaining access to books and educational materials in prison preserve the intellectual freedom of incarcerated people, but it also makes facilities safer and reduces recidivism rates. 

Almost half of all requests sent to Inside Books are for fiction—generally mass-market paperback titles by authors like Dean Koontz, Louis L’Amour, and James Patterson. Prisoners often request dictionaries, reference books, and topical works on psychology, business, and self-help. Travel books and National Geographic magazines are unsurprisingly a common request. Each requester has a goal for their reading lives: to be entertained, to better themselves, to learn, and most often, to escape from their confined reality. 

Olly Wasser, a volunteer, said the mission of the nonprofit immediately grabbed him when he started with Inside Books last year. “I just instantly fell in love with the whole place and the whole idea,” he said. Some inmates write from solitary confinement or share specifics about their lives and the moments that led to their prison sentence. Volunteers write letters back to those incarcerated in state prison explaining why they chose certain books, offering other reading recommendations, and otherwise responding to other information in the correspondence. “I think in some ways that is the real highlight in the way that it helps one reflect on one’s own life,” Wasser said. 

But despite its enormous output and impact, Inside Books Project is facing a new hurdle: In April, the Texas Department of Criminal Justice (TDCJ), which runs the state prison system, implemented a new ban on hardcover and used books in its prisons. According to prison officials, the new restrictions are designed to curb drugs coming into prisons via the spines and binding of hardcover books and via used books soaked in narcotics like K2, a synthetic marijuana, or fentanyl. 

The full extent of the contraband problem is murky, and definitive data is hard to come by. Amanda Hernandez, a TDCJ spokesperson, told the Texas Observer that in 2025, the department logged 385 instances of books allegedly laced with narcotics. Hernandez also said that between January and April of this year, facility mail rooms scanned 25,000 packages that contained two or more books. The department recently introduced RaySecur scanning machines into facility mail rooms designed to “detect powders and liquids” on mail and books—a new technology that critics argue sometimes flags false positives. 

The roughly 140,000 people incarcerated in Texas state prisons now have two options for receiving books: They can have a loved one send a new paperback book through an approved retailer or they can check out books from their facility’s prison library, which is operated by the state’s Windham School District. Hernandez pointed out that Windham School District accepts general book donations but not for individual recipients. If an inmate has access to a tablet, they can read preloaded public domain books—those that are over 100 years old—for free. 

Eldon Ray James, a retired researcher and librarian, was incarcerated in a federal prison in Texas for five years. He received an associate degree while incarcerated and after his release obtained a bachelor’s and a master’s degree from the University of Texas at Austin. Access to books, particularly textbooks, was critical to his educational success. To James, the new TDCJ restrictions are shortsighted: “To ban books simply because they have a hardcover or they’re used is just trying to solve a problem that may exist in prison by finding the easiest target,” he said. “And the easiest target they can find is to change the rules for what books can come in.” 

Since the ban was announced, Inside Books has been stuck in an exhausting limbo. Odierno says his group has had to decline almost half of the books they would normally take as donations and been forced to donate or recycle books that are no longer accepted. Prisoners write almost daily to volunteers with concerns over how to access free books. Questions remain: How used is too used? Is a cracked spine or underlining on a few pages disqualifying? Will all mail room employees use the same set of criteria to assess books? Hernandez said “no stains and no tears” is the criteria mail room employees will be looking for, but she was unsure about underlining or highlighting in books. 

At a recent board meeting, Odierno urged TDCJ to reconsider the ban and has repeatedly expressed concerns that being unable to send certain types of books will severely limit what Inside Books can provide for free. TDCJ has also moved to implement an online portal that would require volunteers to input the information of every inmate and every book in each package. “We send about 250 packages every week, and having to enter everything in each package is just overwhelming,” Odierno said. 

For now, Odierno said, Inside Books has a stockpile of about 5,000 books that meet the new TDCJ criteria, though he’s not certain how long that will last. “In a year, we might wind up having to purchase a lot more books,” Odierno said. 

Limiting accepted book formats adds another layer of difficulty to what is already a challenging process. The need for free, accessible books in Texas prisons is clear from the overwhelming amount of requests the organization receives and the genuine appreciation for the volunteers’ work expressed by each letter writer. 

In one recent letter Wasser read, an incarcerated person wrote that while he felt he never learned anything in school, he’s now trying to educate himself through reading. “It’s a pleasure to help such a person,” Wasser said. “It really opens up worlds for people, doesn’t it?” 

Medar de la Cruz is a Pulitzer Prize winner for a visually driven story set inside Rikers Island jail using bold black-and-white images that humanize the prisoners through showing their hunger for books.

The post Throwing the Book at Books in Prison appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Unity and Discontent at the Texas Dems’ Corpus Convening

posted in: All news | 0

At this year’s Texas Democratic Party convention, sounds of the Corpus Christi coastline lulled Lone Star liberals into the recurring dream of a blue wave crashing over the state. After 30 years of Republican rule, Democrats once again insisted that 2026 would be their best shot at flipping Texas in decades. Emboldened by a viral U.S. Senate candidate in James Talarico and the toxic failures of President Donald Trump, the conditions almost mirror 2018 when the last blue wave turned the tides of several down-ballot races but, at the top, ultimately turned out to be little more than a message written in the sand. 

Over the course of the three-day convention, a long line of speakers attacked Republicans on the high price of groceries and healthcare as well as the shuttering of public schools across the state. In the drought-stricken city of oil refineries and the original Whataburger, the most prominent climate issues mentioned weren’t tied to fossil fuels and the oil and gas industry but water-wasting data centers and cattle-killing screwworms. They adopted a new party platform focused on populist policies protecting workers’ rights, expanding public transportation, and making healthcare more affordable.

On the surface, the Democrats asserted themselves as a unified party of the working class against the all-powerful billionaires. The party boasted of advances in GOP strongholds that include a state Senate seat in Tarrant County, new chapters of the Young Democrats in West Texas, and putting forth Democratic “Challengers” for every legislative and congressional race in the state. Yet tension stirred within the ranks of delegates and party officials. The lack of diversity at the top of the ticket, clashes over Israel, and debates over progressivism versus moderation represent a battle for the future of the party that was thinly veiled by constant calls to unity.

The population of Texas is over 30 million people, of which about 40 percent are Hispanic and 13 percent are Black—yet this year’s slate of Democrats for statewide office is made up mostly of white candidates from Central Texas. Three politically experienced women—including state Representative Gina Hinojosa for governor, state Representative Vikki Goodwin for lieutenant governor, and state Senator Sarah Eckhardt for comptroller, all from Austin—are helping lead the ticket, but the ballot is noticeably lacking in racial diversity that has left some Black voters, politicians, and activists who form the base of the Texas Democratic Party feeling disenfranchised.

The Democratic primary battle for the Senate nomination between Dallas Congresswoman Jasmine Crockett and Austin state Representative James Talarico unleashed controversy over the topic of “electability” in a state dominated by the politics of whiteness, Christianity, and masculinity. Talarico’s victory in March didn’t fully quell the debate as he tries to shore up the vast majority of Black voters cast their ballots for Crockett in the primary, particularly in Dallas, Houston, and East Texas.

“I saw how excited my students were for Jasmine Crockett,” said Laura Longoria, a delegate and high school teacher in East Texas. “I’m worried we’re going to lose some of that excitement.” Since then, Talarico has attempted to forge a stronger connection with Black Texans by speaking at Black churches and universities. He also announced a policy plan to combat maternal mortality, which disproportionately affects Black women.

(Photo by Eden Shamy)

Talarico invited Crockett to be a keynote speaker at the convention, an offer she reportedly denied. As she told the Dallas Morning News: “I had a missed call that I’ve not returned, nor have I listened to the message from Talarico.” She added that the invitation seemed like an afterthought, but “I can’t say for sure because I haven’t listened to it.” Some perceived the comments as deliberately undermining Talarico, although Crockett endorsed him immediately after losing the primary. Her office told KVUE that Crockett was simply busy doing her job in Congress, and attending the convention would not be feasible. 

On the second day of the convention, Talarico spoke before Texas Democrats’ Black Caucus, where he was well received. “The Democratic Party has a troubling history of taking Black voters for granted,” he said. “And I am committing to you to not make those mistakes.”

Talarico and candidates Vikki Goodwin, Nathan Johnson, and Sarah Eckhardt also stumped before the Tejano and Hispanic caucuses. They vowed to end cooperation with ICE and shut down inhumane migrant detention centers. Vice Chair for Finance Kolby Duhon emphatically stated that “Black women are the backbone of this party,” to roaring applause during the general session, which featured a more diverse array of candidates running up and down the ballot.

Speaker after speaker took the stage at the Hilliard Center to address the “rice and beans issues,” as Senator Chuy Hinojosa put it. The Texas Democrats’ adoption of a more populist platform—one that emphasizes a commitment to kitchen table economic issues targeting the working class—was fortified by special guest Dolores Huerta, the Chicana civil rights leader, Tennessee state Representative Justin J. Pearson, and keynote speaker Senator Bernie Sanders.

“Today we must refound this nation once again against a tyrannical government,” said Pearson, who’s been on the forefront of the battle against racially gerrymandered maps in Tennessee. “If the Republican Party is going to be the party licking the boot of the billionaires who are taking our land, polluting our water, and taking our jobs, then let us be the party of the working class.” Dolores Huerta’s surprise appearance moved the entire arena to their feet in chants of “Sí se puede.” Yet in the on-stage interview, little was actually said about the state of labor organizing in Texas. 

Pearson and Huerta were immediately followed up by the keynote speaker U.S. Senator Cory Booker, a mainstream Dem from New Jersey. Last year, the senator’s record-breaking filibuster speech against Republican spending cuts surged his popularity among rank-and-file liberals. But for progressives, Booker remains an unpopular figure due to his past support for Israel and education reform like school choice. While Booker preached for 25 minutes about living up to Democratic values, three young women stood up from the front of the crowd in protest. “Why should Texans listen to you when you’ve accepted almost a million dollars from AIPAC?” they shouted. “We deserve better than sell-out Democrats like you!”

Many in the surrounding crowd sought to quell the dissent, yelling at them to be quiet and leave. Police were called in and escorted the protestors out of the arena.

The three protesters are members of the Austin chapter of Sunrise Movement, a youth-led group for climate justice and anti-fascism. Rosario Lopez-Cadenas, a 26-year-old progressive who participated in the protest, said she attended the convention to better understand the Democrat’s vision of the future. “I really got a sense that a lot of them were campaigning on being anti-Trump but not much else,” said Cadenas. “Working-class people don’t want to be complicit in genocide, and it makes Cory Booker kind of untrustworthy.” 

(Photo by Eden Shamy)

This year’s convention was dotted by keffiyehs and other nods of solidarity with Palestine. In the exhibit hall, attendees gathered around the “Falasteen Street Museum,” a collection of posters that detail the history of occupation, apartheid, and ethnic cleansing. The mobile exhibit has been a recurring educational feature of pro-Palestine gatherings around Austin.

The two leading non-Texan speakers—Booker and Sanders—have found themselves in frequent opposition over the years, particularly on lowering prescription drug prices and cutting off aid to Israel. After greenlighting arms sales to Israel for two years while it’s committed what a United Nations commission has found to be a genocide in Gaza, Booker finally supported Sanders’ bill this April to block military aid to the apartheid state—not necessarily because of Palestine but because of his opposition to “Trump’s war” in Iran.

When Sanders took the stage the following Saturday night to close out the convention, he received a standing ovation for promising to end aid to Israel. In his typical always-on-message fashion, the 84-year-old Vermont democratic socialist’s speech detailed all the ways in which billionaires have corrupted American democracy through their super PACs and ownership of the media. “The American people do not want establishment status quo policies,” Sanders said. “This country is facing major crises, and they want bold proposals.”

(Photo by Eden Shamy)

Days before the convention, Sanders (and an acolyte in Mayor Zohran Mamdani) helped fuel recent victories for the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) in the New York primaries. But Texas is no New York. Top-of-the-slate candidates such as Talarico and Hinojosa have focused their broadly popular messages on pocketbook populist issues and taking on political corruption, and have made explicit appeals to moderates and disillusioned Republicans.

On Friday night, Hinojosa harnessed broad discontent into a sharp criticism of Governor Greg Abbott and the political establishment. “There is a name for what you have been paying. It is the Greg Abbott Corruption Tax,” she said. “You pay it when your electricity bill arrives, when your local school closes, when your grocery bills go up. You pay it when you can’t get the care you already paid for and need to survive—all while Greg Abbott and his donors get richer.”

To close the night, Talarico gave a speech that went right after his opponent. “This isn’t a partisan thing. Republicans know just as well as Democrats that there’s no place for guys like Ken Paxton in Texas,” said Talarico. “That’s why these two parties that don’t seem to agree on anything these days came together to impeach the most corrupt politician in America.”

Still, rising socialist factions within the Democratic Party have spurred fear in the more moderate wing, and some have even formed their own group to swear their allegiance to capitalism. Congressman Vicente Gonzalez Jr. and congressional candidate Bobby Pulido—both running highly contested races in South Texas—were among the first of 13 Democrats to sign the “Promise to America.” Both of them are conservative Blue Dog Democrats that believe it will take moderation to win over traditional voters in South Texas.

Congressional candidate and Tejano performer Bobby Pulido performs at the Texas Democratic convention in Corpus Christi. (Photo by Eden Shamy)

“We are capitalist, not socialist,” and “We are mainstream, not extreme,” are among the core tenants of the Promise to America. Despite these undercurrents of ideological conflict, Democrats stayed focused on a message of unity and getting out the vote to flip Texas this November. People danced and cheered for Pulido during his opening night performance, and they applauded both Booker and Sanders alike. In the end, the party voted overwhelmingly to “Keep Kendall” Scudder as party chair in an election that featured two other challengers.

“We are one party with one purpose,” said Scudder in his fiery closing remarks. “When we leave Corpus Christi today, we leave with a unified message and a shared promise to the people of Texas: Texans don’t need more political theater, they need leaders.”

The post Unity and Discontent at the Texas Dems’ Corpus Convening appeared first on The Texas Observer.

Editor’s Letter: Introducing Our July/August 2026 Issue

posted in: All news | 0

Texas Observer reader,

The following are my remarks, in part, from our May 6 MOLLYs fundraiser gala:

Last year, some of you may remember, we published a very viral story in which we identified an ICE prosecutor in Dallas as the operator of an extremely, extremely racist X account. 

In terms of impact, everything seemed to be going well. Congress members demanded answers, and the prosecutor was quickly yanked off the job. But the months dragged on, and we just could not get ICE to confirm whether the guy was being terminated. 

Well, less than two weeks into the new year, it wasn’t ICE but a source at the courthouse who tipped off our special investigative correspondent, Steven Monacelli, that the prosecutor was coming back to work. Steven managed to be there to document the man’s return; Congressman Marc Veasey made a last-ditch effort in the U.S. House to reduce the prosecutor’s salary to $1, but it failed. And that was that. 

Maybe you find that shocking, and maybe not. I’ll admit that it shocked me a bit. It showed me the full depth of this administration’s commitment to white supremacy. Not even a bit player—who’d been tweeting while in court, mind you—could be sacrificed to save some face.

It could be enough to discourage some, but it wasn’t—and won’t be—enough to discourage us at the Texas Observer. 

July/August 2026 cover (Illustration by Clay Rodery)

We kept going. The very same week we reported the prosecutor news, the same correspondent did another story for us identifying four North Texas businesses as having ties to the neo-nazi group Patriot Front, and Francesca D’Annunzio exposed state police’s use of a shadowy cell phone-tracking software. 

Soon, Michelle Pitcher revealed an overdose crisis within Texas state jails and began work on a narrative podcast, a totally new undertaking for the Observer. Justin Miller exposed the cost to the taxpayer of our attorney general’s extensive campaigning and networking around the state and abroad. Lise Olsen dug up a botched murder investigation down in the Rio Grande Valley. Gaige Davila broke the news of an essential immigration court interpreter being targeted and arrested by ICE at a South Texas airport. 

And Josephine Lee proved that concrete, tangible impact is still achieved through investigative reporting—as her work cost Houston’s state-imposed superintendent a six-figure, most likely illegal moonlighting contract. 

You see, in Texas, it’s all too easy to get discouraged if you don’t properly calibrate. If you count on electoral victory every two-year cycle, or on accountability for elected officials each time their malfeasance is exposed, well, that’s simply not the rhythm of our struggle here. 

We take our wins where we get them, we are not discouraged, and we keep going.

Solidarity,

Note: To be the first to get all the stories in our bimonthly issues, become a Texas Observer member here.

The post Editor’s Letter: Introducing Our July/August 2026 Issue appeared first on The Texas Observer.